“The only way to deal with an unfree world is to become so absolutely free that your very existence is an act of rebellion.”
“The only way to deal with an unfree world is to become so absolutely free that your very existence is an act of rebellion.”
Speech by Pastor Xola Skosana at the Mass Meeting marking the removal of the Rhodes statue from UC
April 10, 2015
If we and our children cannot see ourselves in the architectural design around us, then we subconsciously remain visitors to the only corner of the world God gave us.
Europe, we visit, Africa we live in. We must never underestimate the psychological effect of foreign occupation, the occupiers seal their conquest with their language, signage, images, statues, art, all of which is the deliberate ongoing miseducation of us the conquered and the obscuring of our memory and identity.
Food on the table of a people who have lost their land, identity, culture language, etc, will not answer their deepest quest and deepest longings for freedom. . To equate Black pain with poverty or lack of food is to reduce Black people to an animalistic existence of eating defecating and dying
One of the lessons we have learnt over the last few weeks is that a revolution is unpredictable, it may lie dormant for the longest time and erupt when it is least expected. We have also learnt through the courage of students here at this university that ivory towers and corridors of white power are not untouchable. The heroic act of Chumani Maxwele which sparked a tidal wave of solidarity from UCT to Oxford University, from Rhodes University to Colombia University, this act has helped demystify colonial enclaves of white dominance.
All disguises of white power and the preservation of white privilege must fall
Black people all over the world are emboldened by what the students have been able to accomplish here and and we are assured once again that black pain will not be left to fester indefinitely, freedom for black people will not be postponed forever
Black pain, whether in those rat infested hellholes we call townships or in academia, all its many dimensions and manifestations, it is a direct consequence of persistent white power. There can be no healing of black pain without the dismantling of white power
This victory is for Chantel Hoffmann, who was called a Kaffir and shocked with a Taser device in Harfield Village, on the 3rd of January 2015 by the 22 year old TALANA Jo HUYSAMER
This victory is for the 52 year old Manenberg cleaner, Delia Adonis, brutally attacked and racially assaulted by five white boys – 19 year old Chad de Matos, 19 old Aaron Mack, and 20 year old Mitchell Turner, in front of her son in Claremont, on the 17th of October 2014
This victory is for the 44 year old Cynthia Joni, the domestic worker who was attacked by Tim Osrin
This Victory is for the 22 year old Muhammed Makungwa, sjambokked by Jan Van Tonder in Claremont while on his way to work simply because he is black and therefore a criminal
Well, there are those who say we are exaggerating our pain, they say so because we have not yet told the story of black pain in an uncensored way
TODAY WITH THE FALLING OF RHODES, WE ARE TELLING OUR STORY AND REVEALING OUR SCARS
WE MUST RAISE OUR VOICE AND TELL OUR STORY
LEST THE WORLD FORGET ABOUT US
LEST WE BE BURIED IN THE HISTORY BOOKS WE DID NOT WRITE
OURS IS A STORY OF RESILIENCE
OURS IS A STORY OF HOPE AND DESPAIR
OURS IS A STORY OF FAITH FOOLISHNESS AND SUPERSTITION
OURS IS A STORY OF BELIEF AND DISBELIEF
OURS IS A STORY OF LIFE AND DEATH
THE WORLD MUST KNOW HOW WE HAVE SURVIVED YEARS OF SERVITUDE
THE WORLD MUST KNOW HOW WE REMAIN SCARRED BY THE WHITE POWER STRUCTURE AND THE PRESERVATION OF WHITE PRIVILEGE
OUR ENTIRE EXISTENCE HAS BEEN ALTERED IN WAYS WORDS CANNOT TELL
WE HAVE A MESSAGE, WE HAVE A STORY TO TELL
IT IS OUR STORY
WE MUST BE THE ONES WHO TELL IT
TELL THOSE WHO COLLECT STORIES BY THEIR BIG BANK ROLLED CAMERAS THAT THIS IS OUR STORY
HELP ME PREACH NOW, ” SAY OUR STORY”
TELL THE EDITOR IN THE NEWS ROOM, THIS IS OUR STORY
TELL THE WRITER WITH AN iPAD IN HIS HAND THIS IS OUR STORY
TELL THE TOURIST WITH A SONY DIGITAL CAMERA, THIS IS OUR STORY
TELL THE JOURNALIST WITH THE DEADLINE TO MEET, THIS IS OUR STORY
TELL THE PUBLISHER AND THE NEW YORK TIMES BEST SELLER, THIS IS OUR STORY
TELL ALL OF THEM, TELL THEM THAT THEY ARE THIEVES, THAT THEY HAVE STOLEN OUR STORY OF PAIN
TELL THEM THEIR CAMERA LANCE HAS OBSCURED OUR STORY
TELL THEM THEIR PEN HAS WATERED DOWN OUR PAIN
TELL THEM THEIR FILM MAKER AND ARTIST HAVE MOCKED AND TRIVIALIZED OURSTORY
BUT OUR COLLECTIVE VOICE IS RETURNING
OUR COLLECTIVE MEMORY IS COMING BACK
OUR COLLECTIVE FAITH IS STRONGER NOW
OUR COLLECTIVE HOPE IS HIGHER
OUR COLLECTIVE SCARS ARE HEALING
THIS IS OUR STORY
WE WILL TELL IT AS IT IS
AND WE WILL WRITE IT AS WE LIKE
HELP ME PREACH PEOPLE
OUR SERMONS WILL TELL OUR STORY
OUR SONGS WILL TELL OUR STORY
OUR DANCE AND OUR RYTHEM WILL TELL OUR STORY
THE SCARS OF OUR OWN FLESH WILL TELL OUR STORY
OUR TEARS WILL TELL OUR STORY
OUR ARCHITECTURE WILL TELL OUR STORY
SIGNAGE WILL TELL OUR STORY
PUBLIC IMAGES WILL TELL OUR STORY
OUR STATUES WILL TELL OUR STORY
YES WE ARE SURVIVORS OF A BRUTAL SYSTEM (black pain)
WE ARE REMNANTS THAT ARE LEFT BEHIND
SONS AND DAUGHTER WHO COME FROM A RAPTURED WOMB
WE SUCKLED THE BREAST AND DRANK THE MILK OF MALNOURISHMENT (BLACK PAIN)
THROUGH NEVIRAPINE , WE NARROWLY ESCAPED HIV INFECTION
THOSE OF US WHI DID NOT, LIVE TODAY WITH COURAGE AND FORTITUDE
WE DARE TO DREAM THOUGH WE ARE LIMPING
WE SURVIVED OVERCROWDED CLASSROOMS FULL OF INFECTIOUS AND CONTAGIOUS DECEASES
WE SURVIVED DR DEATH BASSON’ S BIOLOGICAL WARFARE OF GENOCIDAL PROPORTIONS.
WE LIVED THROUGH A POLICE STATE OF EMERGENCY
ON OUR WAY TO SCHOOL, WE JUMPED OVER CHARRED BODIES OF BLACK PEOPLE NECKLACED FOR SELLING THEIR SOUL
BEFORE WE SAT IN THE CLASS AND FED FROM BANTU EDUCATION, WE STARED AT BADLY BEATEN BODIES OF SUSPECTED INFORMERS
ON SATURDAYS WE BURIED BODIES OF THE INNOCENT, MISTAKEN FOR THE ENEMY
IN CHURCH HALLS, WE MOURNED CHILDREN WHO DIED IN A HAIL OF BULLETS BY AN UNSYMPATHETIC POLICE FORCE
IN BEER HALLS OUR FATHERS DRANK THEMSELVES INTO A STUPOR, TEMPORARILY NUMBING THEMSELVES FROM THE PAIN OF BEING A BOY/MAN. A BOY BY DAY AND A MAN BY NIGHT
WE ARE SURVIVORS OF THOSE CAUGHT IN THE CROSSFIRE OF BLACK ON BLACK VIOLENCE
THIS IS OUR STORY
WE HAVE FOUGHT AND LOST MANY BATTES
WE HAVE RUN THE RACE AND LOST MANY ALONG THE WAY
MANY HAVE BEEN OUR AFFLICTIONS
AND OUR STORY IS YET TO BE TOLD
THOSE WHO DARED TO TELL, COUCHED IT IN THE LANGUAGE OF PEACE AND RECINCILLIATION
THEY ROMANTICIZED OUR STORY
AND PAINTED THE SCARS OF OUR FLESH ON ARTIFICIAL CANVASES
WHILE SIPPING WINE IN DINNER TABLES PREPARED BY OUR OWN MOTHERS
OUR STORY IS YET TO BE TOLD IN BOLD LETTERS
IT IS THE COLLECTIVE STORY OF BLACK PAIN
STORED AWAY FOR TWENTY YEARS
BECAUSE OF ITS INCONVENIENT TRUTH
HIDDEN AWAY FROM THE CAMERA
BECAUSE OF ITS GRAPHIC AND GRUESOME DETAIL
IT HAS BEEN WHITEWASHED
BECAUSE, WHILE IT LIBERATES GOD’S BLACK CHILDREN
IT IMPLICATES GOD’S WHITE CHILDREN
THIS IS OUR STORY
FINISH WHAT YOU’HE STARTED CHILDREN OF MARCUS GARVEY
FINISH WHAT YOU’VE STARTED CHILDREN OF THOMAS SANKARA
FINISH WHAT YOU’VE STARTED CHILDREN OF FANON
FINISH WHAT YOU’VE STARTED CHILDREN OF ROBERT MUGABE
FINISH WHAT YOU’VE STARTED CHILDREN OF ROBERT MANGALISO SOBUKWE
FINISH WHAT YOU’VE STARTED CHILDREN OF STEVEN BANTU BIKO
FINISH WHAT YOU’VE STARTED CHILDREN MAMA ASSATA SHAKUR
FINISH WHAT YOU’VE STARTED CHILDREN OF MAMA WINNIE MANDELA
At 4 o’clock in the morning of Thursday 22 October a friend and I heeded an urgent call on tweeter by a 19 year old young lady whose call gained steady momentum throughout the early hours of the morning. She wanted to know when is #UJShutDown starting.
Let me tell u about Anele Madonsela, a KZN born student from Umlazi, studying (BA) Philosophy. She is a daughter of a lawyer and policeman who ironically was involved in the violent crowd controlling of students at #UKZNFeesMustFall.
You see Anele is a non-politically aligned student who took it upon herself to mobilise for the #UJShutDown because the SASCO lead SRC was miss-representing students, intimidating them not to join forces with the now national #FeesMustFall campaign.
When the complaisant SRC realized they were not on the right side of history, they sent a signal to management which tacitly said if those agitating for the #UJShutDownon should be arrested because the Student Representive Council had not sanctioned the demonstration and if suspension and explusion is their fate, so be it.
Where they said it verbally or in writing or by body language, that is the message management read. The revolution was being sabotaged
Fortunately Anele stood firm and continued tweeting till there were twenty students at sunrise. Like those heroines at Wits and elsewhere, she did not retreat. Soon there was a group of hundred students; by noon her tweets had mobilized more than a couple thousand students.
The reactionary DASO was wrapped in its ‘diplomatic’ ropes with management on the issue of fees so much so that that they distanced themselves from the planned #UJShutDown campaign. The EFF had an identity problem at the beginning not knowing whether to be visible or not. Even though the EFF CIC had tweeted in solidarity with #UJShutDown.
This hesitation from student organizations at UJ meant Anele had to lead the revolution, the best she could without any assistance from those who were elected and supposed to be united at the forefront, as we had witnessed the progressive show of unity and strength at Wits, UCT and elsewhere.
Theoretically in my head then it was difficult to believe the shutdown protesters would heed numbers. Alas I was forgetting one fundamental practical defining element of the student protests spirit; it is a campaign by the students, with the students and for the student. Therefore it was bound to be organic and spontaneous. Sometimes political loyalties need to be put on hold for maximum unity and solidarity of all students, and for all South African youth struggles for economic freedom.
We were the first victims of bullying, intimidation and human rights violation by the outsourced security on the employ of UJ Vice Chancellor Iron Ransburg. We did not lose spirit because we knew it was up to us to stand up for our principles and not retreat. We stood firm on the idea and hope that what we were doing was far bigger than a handful of us. We saw the revolution as an honour to Solomon Mahlangu and Hector Peterson who called for unity even at the hour of oppression. It was also a show of respect to the 1944 generation of the young lions of Mandela and Sisulu who disrupted the conservative thinking which slowed down the revolution. We were hearing the voices of Lembede, Fanon and Biko saying, it is time we struggled for the realization of our generational mission – to achieve economic freedom.
We have a common cause and it must succeed, through unity and discipline. Even if we don’t achieve free education today, future generations will benefit for the efforts of the current generation.
With all these voices finding in my minds, we had no choice but to force our way through security and locked gates.
We were committed to the struggle which in its entirety is about asserting the realities and perils of financial oppression and injustice by those hiding the keys to the gates of opportunity for black youth. If our SRC could not lead us, those already leading in other compases were our leaders. We wanted to join them. Cynical commentators call us copycats. If the cats copy others to fight for freedom, what’s wrong with that? Why delegitimize their action?
The UJ SRC tried with all its might to delegitimize the #UJShutDown campaign, supported by its management friends who had concluded from their air-conditioned offices that student leaders calling and mobilizing for protests had ill motives and tarnishing the university’s image. One central SRC presidential candidate screamed frustratingly at a small group of 10 students and parents gathered outside the university at 7:00am and said that ‘UJ did not need to march for fees’.
Finally we realized there is truth to Judith February’s speculation that there is much political opportunism within some students in regards to these marches, see article “Op-Ed: why is state not a target of student protest” (Daily Maverick: 20 October 2015).
Some students might have suffered disillusionment earlier this year at UCT #RhodesMustFall however after our experience this Thursday, we are strengthened by the amount of support and awareness displayed across the country that intimidation and white arrogance will not and has not fazed the black student. Maybe I feel this way because as noisy as they may be, these white supremacists have become a minority. They have missed the diversity of the #FeesMustFall campaign. No wonder one Tukkies white student had a poster written “Don’t Tell My Mom I Think She’s Racist”. Google it!
As we were leaving UJ the reality of the racialisation of the South African situation became evident.
There were white drivers insulting us. That is why we sometimes question their commitment to national unity and economic freedom for all. Far too often inside and outside the gates of UJ delegitimize our efforts. It has been more and more evident this year and more recently in the past two weeks from social media and on the ground. I lost count of the many times white women were insisting on driving in an entrance we had ##UJShutDown. Somehow white arrogance permeated more in white women at my campus on Thursday, a superiority complex and entitlement that far exceeds the necessity in any context.
In the past two weeks I have not unfriended any ignorant white ‘friend’ off any of my social media. This is because I am no longer afraid to assert my existence and my being by means of teaching, I comment and I share knowledge. Gone are the days when I read a status replete with racial prejudice and ignorance and I shyly skip the status or worse; unfriend, no! Now I ‘school’ them.
This is because I hope they will use the white arrogance to actually read a useful book, to question themselves and not always reproduce their boring warn-out platitudes. I saw many of these in online comments pages of newspapers. Check IoL. Check Daily Maverick, check Mail and Guardian – they are not even reading their own children’s messages as they show solidarity with the protesting students. Well, they even formed human chains in CT. Here at Auckland Park, they were determined to bully us.
But through education and experience we know too well that ‘Whiteness is a theatre, a performance of exclusion’ as Aryan Kaganof answered when asked about his film “Decolon i sing Wits – an act of epistemic disobedience”.
Inconcur with him, they have called police for students, they have driven over students, they have hurled slurs at students they have written in hopes to delegitimize the struggle for free education. But still they failed.
Anele Madonsela’s courage and leadership prowess will forever be etched on my consciousness. History books might not remember her the same way they will write about Mcebo Dlamini but make no mistake, those who marched side by side with her as UJ finally awakened and joined the struggle, will forever be humbled and inspired by her steadfastness in time of crisis. #Young_lead_2015
Let it be established: it has been documented that you can’t simply shoot into a crowd here, that the protest by intellectuals against the mass stupefaction by the Springer media is serious, that it is not meant for the dear Lord and not for later, in order to be able to say at some point that you were always against it. It has been documented that common decency is a shackle that can be broken through if those wearing the shackles are beaten and shot at. It has been documented that there are still people in this country who do not merely condemn terror and violence and [who] are secretly opposed to it and sometimes take a risk and open their mouths and do not let themselves be frightened; and there are also people who are willing and able to resist so it can be understood that business cannot continue as usual. It has been shown that incitement to murder and murder disturb the public peace and order, that there is a public that will not accept that. That a human life has a different quality than windowpanes, Springer trucks, and demonstrators’ cars, which were overturned and damaged by police in absolutely arbitrary acts during the delivery blockade in front of the Springer tower. That there is a public determined not merely to call the intolerable intolerable, but to intervene to disarm Springer and his accomplices.
Now, after it has been shown that there are means other than just demonstrations, Springer hearings, and protest events, means other than those that have failed, because the attack on Rudi Dutschke could not be prevented; now that the shackles of common decency have been broken, the discussion on violence and counterviolence can and must be started anew. Counterviolence as it has been practiced during these Easter days is neither suitable to arouse sympathy, nor to draw startled liberals over to the side of the extra-parliamentary opposition (APO). Counterviolence risks turning into violence, where the brutality of the police determines the law of action, where superior rationality gives way to powerless rage, where paramilitary actions of the police are answered through paramilitary means. The Establishment, however, the “gentlemen at the top” – to use Rudi’s words – in the parties, governments, and associations have to comprehend that there is only one means by which to create lasting “peace and order,” namely, by expropriating Springer. The fun is over. “Protest is when I say I don’t like this and that. Resistance is when I see to it that things that I don’t like no longer occur.”
Source: Ulrike Marie Meinhof, “Vom Protest zum Widerstand” [“From Protest to Resistance”], konkret, no. 5 (May 1968), p. 5.
Guy Debord (1931-1994) was the most influential figure in the
Situationist International, the notorious subversive group that played
a key role in provoking the May 1968 revolt in France. “The Society of
the Spectacle” (1973, 90 minutes) is Debord’s film adaptation of his
own 1967 book of the same name. As passages from the book are read
in voiceover the text is illuminated, via direct illustration or various
types of ironic contrast, by clips from Russian and Hollywood features
(“Potemkin,” “Ten Days That Shook the World,” “For Whom the Bell Tolls,”
“Shanghai Gesture,” “Johnny Guitar,” “Mr. Arkadin,” etc.), TV commercials,
softcore porn, and news and documentary footage, including glimpses of
Spain 1936, Hungary ’56, Watts ’65, France ’68, and other revolts of the
past. Inter-title quotes from Marx, Machiavelli, Clausewitz, Tocqueville,
and Debord himself occasionally break the flow, challenging the viewers
to question their own relation to the film — and to the society as a whole.
San Francisco filmmaker Konrad Steiner has produced a dubbed version
of this film using Ken Knabb’s English translation as read by artist/scholar
Dore Bowen. Konrad also located and reinserted the original English-language
clips from the many quoted films (which in Debord’s film were mostly dubbed
in French). This enables English-speaking viewers to pay full attention to
the images instead of trying to follow subtitles, and thus better perceive the
complex interplay between montage, image, and language through which
Debord presents his theses.
This excellent dubbed version is now online at https://vimeo.com/139772287
For more information on Debord’s films, see http://www.bopsecrets.org/SI/debord.films/index.htm
first published here: http://witsvuvuzela.com/2015/08/21/pamberi-ne-chimurenga-forward-with-the-revolution/
first published here: http://otlmedia.co.za/2015/08/nothing-new-about-marikana/
When it was done, even the percentage composition of well-known compounds was different. The data themselves had chnaged. That is the last of the sense in which we may want to say that after a revolution scientists work in a different world.
The Structure of Scientific Revolutions
After a scientific revolution many old measurements and manipulations become irrelevant and are replaced by others instead. One does not apply all the same tests to oxygen as to dephlogisticated air. But changes of this sort are never total. Whatever he may then see, the scientist after a revolution is still looking at the same world. Furthermore, though he may previously have employed them differently, much of his language and most of his laboratory instruments are still the same as they were before. As a result, postrevolutionary science invariably includes many of the same manipulations, performed with the same instruments and described in the same terms, as its prerevolutionary predecessor. If these enduring manipulations have been changed at all, the change must lie either in their relation to the paradigm or in their concrete results.
The Structure of Scientific Revolutions
Political revolutions aim to change political institutions in ways that those institutions themselves prohibit. Their success therefore necessitates the partial relinquishment of one set of institutions in favour of another, and in the interim, society is not fully governed by institutions at all. Initially it is crisis alone that attenuates the role of political institutions as we have already seen it attenuate the role of paradigms. In increasing numbers individuals become increasingly estranged from political life and behave more and more eccentrically within it. Then, as the crisis deepens, mano of these individuals commit themselves to some concrete proposal for the reconstruction of society in a new constitutional framework. At that point the society is divided into competing camps or parties, one seeking to defend the old institutional constellation, the others seeking to institute some new one. And, once that polarization has occurred, political recourse fails. Because they differ about the institutional matrix within which political change is to be achieved and evaluated, because they acknowledge no supra-institutional framework for the adjudication of revolutionary difference, the parties to a revolutionary conflict must finally resort to the techniques of mass persuasion, often including force. Though revolutions have had a vital role in the evolution of political institutions, that role depends upon their being partially extrapolitical or extrainstitutional events.
Thomas s. Kuhn
The structure of scientific revolutions
The image that our interiority projects on the world maintains its aesthetic character. The image that has been reflected reinforces the process of reification. In and of themselves, all images that separate us alienate us. Each image is an act of reification, given that these images represent reality, establishing mediation among human beings and between the subject and the natural surroundings. This mediation replaces reality. When the prehistoric child saw its own face in the water’s reflection—in a lake, a pool or the ice—it saw nothing but an image. This equation led it to identify itself with what it was seeing, thus awakening the notion of identity. This notion led to the separation between the individual and nature and fed the fracture between the subject and the object—the foundation of human consciousness. In this way, consciousness gives rise to alienation, and becomes meta-consciousness: self-reflection on itself. However, without self-reflective consciousness, the human being is defenseless against the imperial control of standardization and the propaganda machine that falsifies reality and manufactures a false and ideological consciousness.
Modern industrial alienation works by denying the present and forcing the subject to live in a kind of virtual reality that goes by the name of“future.” The modern mentality is characterized by planning for the future. This notion pierces the human mind like a steel bar running through a line of individuals working on the assembly line. The horizon of the future is experienced as unlimited time that advances progressively in a blind race with no meaning or end. For the pre-modern, religious mentality, the future is finite and ends in the final judgment or the ascension of the believer to whatever paradise happens to be promoted by a particular mythical-religious narrative. In this way, both the modern and the pre-modern fix a temporality that is outside of the perpetual present, thus inscribing the human mentality in the camp of domestication. Experiencing the present, in the here and now, leads to a pre-domestic state and rebels against the ideas of planning and development. The notion of the future is therefore an image that reflects ideology. And it’s no mystery to anyone that the fruition of the future inhabits the arena of the impossible although its arrival may be inevitable.
first published here: http://chcollins.com/100Billion/2012/09/on-being-consumed/