kagablog

March 17, 2010

Howard Zinn on the power of hope to inspire action in bad times

Filed under: cherry bomb, politics — ABRAXAS @ 9:40 am

“To be hopeful in bad times is not just foolishly romantic. It is
based on the fact that human history is a history not only of cruelty,
but also of compassion, sacrifice, courage, kindness.
What we choose to emphasize in this complex history will determine our
lives. If we see only the worst, it destroys our capacity to do
something. If we remember those times and places - and there are so
many - where people have behaved magnificently, this gives us the
energy to act, and at least the possibility of sending this spinning
top of a world in a different direction.
And if we do act, in however small a way, we don’t have to wait for
some grand utopian future. The future is an infinite succession of
presents, and to live now as we think human beings should live, in
defiance of all that is bad around us, is itself a marvelous
victory…

“… The challenge remains. On the other side are formidable forces:
money, political power, the major media. On our side are the people of
the world and a power greater than money or weapons: the truth.
Truth has a power of its own. Art has a power of its own. That age-old
lesson – that everything we do matters – is the meaning of the
people’s struggle here in the United States and everywhere. A poem can
inspire a movement. A pamphlet can spark a revolution. Civil
disobedience can arouse people and provoke us to think, when we
organize with one another, when we get involved, when we stand up and
speak out together, we can create a power no government can suppress.
We live in a beautiful country. But people who have no respect for
human life, freedom, or justice have taken it over. It is now up to
all of us to take it back.”

~ Howard Zinn

March 14, 2010

howard zinn on civil disobedience

Filed under: cherry bomb, politics — ABRAXAS @ 10:35 pm

“Civil disobedience is not our problem. Our problem is civil obedience. Our problem is that people all over the world have obeyed the dictates of leaders… and millions have been killed because of this obedience… Our problem is that people are obedient all over the world in the face of poverty and starvation and stupidity, and war, and cruelty. Our problem is that people are obedient while the jails are full of petty thieves… (and) the grand thieves are running the country. That’s our problem.”
— Howard Zinn

howard zinn on the illusion of democracy

Filed under: cherry bomb, politics — ABRAXAS @ 10:33 pm


March 11, 2010

LONG WALK FROM SOWETO \POLOKWANE TO HOUGHTON \ SANDOWN

Filed under: mphutlane wa bofelo, politics — ABRAXAS @ 4:51 pm

(Malema’s reading of the Freedom Charter’s Nationalization clause is Mandela’s)

In the wake of media exposure of his lavish and opulent lifestyle as well as business interest mostly sustained by government tenders, ANC Youth League president , Julius “juju magic” Malema has suddenly come out in the clear about what he and the ANC nationalists mean by nationalization (of the mines). The ANC Youth League chief recently told a press briefing that all his organization is calling for is public-private partnerships: “We are saying the state must have a majority shareholding and we want the formation of a state-owned mining company….Some people call it public-private partnerships, we call it nationalization”.

It is not a surprise that Malema’s call for nationalization did not elicit from big capital the amount of consternation and uproar that followed Mandela’s statement on nationalization upon his release in 1990. Then there was such a hue-cry that Mandela had to recant his pronouncement the day after he made them. Mandela was compelled to reassure local and global capital by declaring that nationalization has never been a policy of the ANC and will never be. But the ANC Youth League’s pro-nationalization statement did not elicit the same amount of anxiety from big business or any negative response from the Almighty ‘markets’. There was no high-powered delegation of the captains of capital to the current president of the ANC. In the actual fact one mine owner in the name of Patrick Motsepe was quoted in the press saying he would have no problem if the African National Congress government chose to nationalise the mines.

I can only think of one explanation for the relatively muted response of big capital to the present calls for nationalization within the ranks of the ANC. After fifteen years of ANC government the owners of capital now know that the radical leftist terminology that the ANC uses is just a rhetorical spin to sell rightwing programs. In the past fifteen years most of the bourgeosie class and white racists in general have come to the realization that they should in fact have backed-up and expedited the reformist negotiated settlement that saw the ANC in political office much earlier. Elements within the “old” National Party and the white liberal fraternity who called for negotiations much earlier were able to read and understand the bourgeosie nationalist undertones of the nationalization clause and other clauses of the Freedom Charter. They had the insight and foresight to understand that white capitalist interests and global capitalist interests would be better served by capitalism without racialist fetters. They understood that the economic advancement of an African middle-class and the creation of a Black bourgeosie would provide a buffer against Black working class uprising, as the Black governing and upper-classes would be more effective in getting the consent of the masses and in entrenching their legitimacy and hegemony.

If anyone had a problem in understanding that the Freedom Charter did not call for socialization and public ownership of the mines but the transference of ownership from white and foreign bourgeosie to the African and local bourgeosie, Mandela’s lengthy explanation at the Rivonia Trial clarified this for them:” The most important political document ever adopted by the ANC is the ‘Freedom Charter’. It is by no means a blueprint for a socialist state. It calls for redistribution, but not nationalization, of land; it provides for nationalization of mines, banks, and monopoly industry, because big monopolies are owned by one race only, and without such nationalization racial domination would be perpetuated despite the spread of political power. It would be a hollow gesture to repeal the Gold Law prohibitions against Africans when all gold mines are owned by European companies.”

Mandela made it succinctly clear that land will remain under private ownership and that nationalization will be a tool of ‘de-racializing’ ownership of big monopolies and to give Africans and the local bourgeosie in general a stake in the mines and the banks. Mandela went on to reassure the Afrikaner that the congress movement’s version of nationalization is akin the nationalist project pursued by the National Party to affirm and empower Afrikaner capitalists against foreign capital. “In this respect the ANC’s policy corresponds with the old policy of the present Nationalist Party which, for many years, had as part of its programme the nationalization of the gold mines which, at that time, were controlled by foreign capital.”

The chief architect of the current neo-apartheid, neo -colonial, neo-liberal capitalist dispensation went further to stress that “under the Freedom Charter, nationalization would take place in an economy based on private enterprise. The realization of the Freedom Charter would open up fresh fields for a prosperous African population of all classes, including the middle class”

It is very clear from Mandela’s pronouncements that the envisaged and expected outcome of the nationalization project was not an egalitarian society but a stratified society in which prosperity will continue to be hierarchical, albeit not along strictly racial lines. Madiba did not mince his words in asserting that the ANC stands for reform and not total overhaul of apartheid-capitalism. He ambiguously declared: “The ANC has never at any period of its history advocated a revolutionary change in the economic structure of the country, nor has it, to the best of my recollection, ever condemned capitalist society.”

According to the best recollections of the most authoritative figure within and on the ANC, the ANC has never ever condemned capitalist society. Yet the root causes of the global economic depression, the massive inequalities and injustices, rampant corruption, individualistic greed and crass materialism, gluttonous consumerism and the moral decay and rot in society lie in capitalism. The opulent lifestyle of the propertied and the governing classes is an integral part of the traditions and culture of capitalism. The sweeteners and “gifts” that corporate capital give to government officials and bureaucrats and the proverbial “drink” public servants ask from citizens are part and parcel of capitalist culture \ morality.

The rent-a- black face and tenderpreneur trend and the phenomenon of senior and influential members of the ruling party doing business with government directly or through fronts are all corrupt practices that are sure to thrive in a capitalist society where the individual is placed above the collective. As long as we operate within the framework of capitalism, nationalization and \or state ownership will invariably mean state capitalism, leading to the fattening of a narrow Black middle-class which is dominant in the state and the well-connected scrounging local bourgeoisie. In the Soviet nationalization and state ownership resulted into state capitalism and the emergence of the nomenklatura. This replicated itself in many countries going by the label socialist\communist, People’s Republic or some variant thereof. Very often, it was the case of the state\party prescribing socialism for the masses and capitalism for itself.

Already the ANC Youth League is saying there’s nothing wrong with powerful and influential members of the tripartite alliance doing business with government. The point the league misses – deliberately - is that Malema and ilk do not get the tenders because their companies surpass other contenders in service and expertise. Once the tender committee gets wind that company X belongs to the brother \ sister who has the clout and power to decide the fate of government officials (and by extension the fate of the bureaucrats) , it is more than likely to use its “commonsense”.

In defense of the right of Malema to do business through government tenders the ANC Youth League’s treasurer, Pule Mabe says “the best way to do business is through government.” Mabe’s comment gives you the idea that the middle-class and aspirant bourgeosie within the congress movement are calling for nationalization so that they can (ab)use the colour of their skin, struggle credentials, office-power and political connections to get a foothold on the mines, the banks and big monopolies. Once this cream of the cream from the Black population has made it to the top most of the capitalist society, the logic is that they should live\play the part and live as far as possible away from the masses, geographically\physically, socially and economically. After-all, their entire dream is to be the “Black Diamonds”. They want to shine and glitter, far away from the Black Hole….the ghetto. They want to be like white kids, drive snazzy cars in the Northern suburbs , own villas in Europe, play golf, take up fishing as a sport, go as tourists to the township or as a campaigning entourage – under heavy protection and surveillance by the army and the police. (And don’t you dare point a middle-finger at he opulence and indifference to the suffering of the poor).

Just a message to the under-class black fellow who think that having black ownership of the mines, banks and big monopolies is for the collective pride and dignity of all Black people. The logic of capitalism is that once you are rich you should stay as far as possible from the poor. If anyone holds the illusion that corporate and political elites brought about by the struggles of the poor and their utilization of public office for corporate gain will be any different, Steven Ngobeni of the Youth League has a message for them: “Malema cannot have the lifestyle of the poor just because he champions the poor” This is the logic of neo-liberal capitalism. We can all be free but with different degrees of freedom.

And Malema and his friends are not breaking any party tradition by operating within the capitalist framework of crass materialism, hoarding, and keeping a safe distance from the poor. The father of the nation has said it all “the ANC has never ever condemned socialist society. Black artists of the calibre of Hugh Masekela struggle like hell to have five minutes with Mandela. It is a walk in the park for any American to have a full sitting with Madiba. Seasoned black artists curtain-raise for American has-bees or wanna-bees at gigs organised by the Nelson Mandela Foundation. Just the other day John Kani was complaining about South African\Black artist never being offered a chance to play Nelsons Mandela and Winnie Mandela. Mr Kani, there is a long distance between Orlando West and Houghton. Black workers, if you dream of Malema going beyond the call for nationalization to proposing practical ways of ensuring that state ownership is for public ownership and that there are mechanisms for the socialization of the mineral wealth beyond formal state control, get a grip. It’s a long walk and huge chasm between Mankweng and Sandown.

March 10, 2010

Gender DynamiX Speaks Out Against Xingwana’s Bigotry

Filed under: politics — ABRAXAS @ 7:11 pm

Gender DynamiX is deeply concerned about the policing of bodies by the State. A very large part of our work is centred on examining the practices of the Department of Health (DoH) and the Department of Home Affairs (DHA) and their unethical activities towards Transgender people. We are now faced with the question whether this is becoming a government trend.

Has the Department of Arts and Culture now joined hands with the DoH and the DHA in their discriminatory practices towards gender variant bodies? Minister Xingwana’s recent behaviour regarding the work of gender activist artist Zanele Muholi adds to the gravity of what seems to be a growing conservative trend in state departments.

“Immoral, offensive and going against nation-building,” said Lulu Xingwana, the Minister of Arts and Culture about Muholi’s work. “Immoral and offensive” speaks to the old “art vs. porn” debate, as well as to peoples’ personal opinions. The point of advocacy art is not aesthetics. It is to educate, to stimulate debate, to object to it if you wish, and to give people a platform from which to voice opinions. When Xingwana publically gives an opinion, she’s doing it on behalf of us all. She is a government minister and so in condemning it outright in essence, she claims that of the entire nation echoes her opinion. It most certainly doesn’t, as recent reactions in the City Press, the Times etc. clearly show.
“Nation building,” according to our very fine constitution, includes lesbians, transgender, gender non-conforming people, and so on - and it certainly includes artists. The constitution even has room for reactionary and conservative opinions like Xingwana’s – but not as our national representative of arts and culture in this country and worldwide.

Zanele Muholi is the kind of artist you would never have experienced in the bad old days of apartheid. She’s black, she’s a lesbian, and she has very clear messages for her community – for us. Her photography tells truths many people don’t enjoy - that there are black lesbians and gender variant people in South Africa. Her work also tells us that we are allowing the ongoing rape of black lesbians in order to “cure” them and all too often, their murders. Zanele Muholi is a symbol of the inclusiveness of the constitution.

Xingwana has publicly and officially expressed her personal negative feelings about gender variant peoples’ bodies and how they should interact. The figures in Muholi’s work are clearly not engaged in sexual activity. We interpret it as the minister’s policing of bodies and the behaviour of those bodies.

There are disturbing parallels between this and the way the Department of Health discriminates against gender variant bodies, noting that discrimination is taking place in the form of exclusion / gate keeping for treatment at most government hospitals. At the Department of Home Affairs there is a clear trend where the Department is not implementing the Amendment of Act 49 of 2003. Act 49 explicitly allows trans and intersex people to amend their documentation without requiring genital surgery. This law was amended partly because of the lack of access to, and gate keeping at State Hospitals.

Gender DynamiX would like to see government officials and especially Xingwana embrace our diversity, and make a concerted effort to sensitise themselves to gender variance, to educate themselves about art activism, and to acknowledge that gender variant people too are part of the rainbow nation that we are building!

In addition, Gender DynamiX demands public acknowledgement by the Government Ministers concerned, of the vulnerability of our constituency, and of the ongoing prejudices lesbians, gays, transgender and intersex people, artists and many other marginalised groups are facing on a daily basis.

March 3, 2010

“fifty cent please, important big baas from overseas!”

Filed under: cherry bomb, politics — ABRAXAS @ 10:51 am

It is disgusting that this is acceptable to the south african government.

did you know that our democratically elected leaders passed two “special measures” acts in 2006 that basically exempt fifa from the normal law of the land and give them free reign to do pretty much whatever they like during the world cup period? the acts squeeze local business and industry to comply with fifa and its commercial affiliates’ demands for exclusivity too - basically nobody unaffiliated with fifa will be allowed a look-in. here’s the first act, as an example:
http://us-cdn.creamermedia.co.za/assets/articles/attachments/22004_reg_680.pdf

these were the conditions under which south africa was “granted” the “immense honour” of hosting this corporate monster, this soulless influx of empty, wasteful bullshit, colonising our collective mind and spiritual space with shiny, branded, sponsored, affiliated gimickry, with acres of advertorial and bling. the long-term benefits a bunch of oversized soccer stadia and overpriced hospitality suites are going to bring to south africans are dubious. the amount of money that fifa has actually contributed to any of the wider infrastructure that has been put in place for 2010 is minimal. and any profit derived by fifa and its multinational affiliates will leave with them. the artificially-induced football craze is distracting the country from addressing critical issues like education, housing and service provision.

i have been working on ethekwini municipality’s waste management policy for 2010 and beyond, which was intended to put in place ways to identify and harness opportunities the supposed influx of resources was to bring local people, and to help limit the damage that the huge influx of drunken foreigners will cause to the local environment, but effectively the passing of these special measures acts mean that fifa is above the law. we were advised in no uncertain terms that during the 6 weeks that fifa takes over the stadia, they can and will do as they please, so all we can do is hope for the best.

it is disgusting that this is acceptable to the south african government.

March 2, 2010

mary corrigall reviews craig matthew’s “welcome nelson”

Filed under: kaganof short films, south african cinema, mary corrigall, politics — ABRAXAS @ 10:19 pm

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first published in the sunday independent, 28 february 2010

March 1, 2010

helgé janssen reviews craig matthew’s “welcome nelson”

Filed under: helge janssen, kaganof short films, south african cinema, politics — ABRAXAS @ 10:48 pm

Review: WELCOME NELSON viewed as FIRST STEP TO FREEDOM

e TV 11 FEBRUARY 2010

PRODUCED AND DIRECTED BY CRAIG MATTHEW

The pre-release press splurb was very mischievous.

Footage of Mandela:

“being taken completely by surprise at his release.”

HUH?

“tragically identifying with his white warders in what must be one of the most acute cases of Stockholm Syndrome in history.”

HUH?

In 1980 Craig Matthew had a MAJOR international scoop when he leopard crawled through the undergrowth with his huge camera to film apartheid style demolition/forced removal tactics (Guguletu/Khayelitsha?) after a tip-off at 2 am. Those around at that time would be aware how extremely life threatening this activity was. It is to Craig’s eternal credit that he tackled this task with gusto. I shared a communal house with him and 3 others, situated in Kennilworth, a ‘coloured’ area on the ‘un’ side of Harfield Village in Cape Town. It was a lively time of political and philosophical discussion.

With Craig’s journalistic nose for being in the right spot at the right time, I had a good sense that I was about to watch something authentic and well centred. I was not disappointed.

Underlying footage of the immense historical import of this event, is an interview with Mandela, cross referenced with an interview with a cameraman at the event, Chris Everson. The interview with Mandela shows him to be an extremely astute politician, in spite of the fact that he had been insufficiently prepared for his release (the political expedience was obvious) and that he had known very little of the type of impact his release would have. In this sense Mandela, being the compassionate gentleman that his is, was thinking that he would need to bid farewell to his prison warders when he left. The frenzy of the day made sure this was never going to happen. Mandela mentions this fact IN CONTRAST to the smallness of his everydayness within the confines of prison, in relation to his sense of intimidation at having to face the WORLD at a press conference. This hardly has anything to do with ‘Stockholm Syndrome’ - after 27 years in prison!!?? The document points out that the Nationalist Party manipulated a media coup in releasing the first photograph of Nelson Mandela in 27 years, standing next to F.W.. de Klerk. Well, given that they had to face the dissolution as an illegitimate ruling party, it is little wonder that they had to try and save face. And what a monolithic Afrikaner face that was! F.W. de Klerk while just breaking short of being patronising, never the less comes across as a lotto announcer placidly trying to convince somebody of their win. In hindsight it becomes clear that P.W. knew he was doing EXACTLY that: the ANC (elite) have not won the country - they have won the lotto. Yet, as we now face the paternalism of the ANC, the paternalism of the Nationalist party was hardly any different. Apartheid kept an entire nation shackled to the past, in a vain attempt to promote the interests of a few. Thus, when apartheid came tumbling down, an entire world rushed IN. EVERYBODY had to suddenly make a huge paradigm shift. 20 years later, and many are still struggling. Mandela also makes the point that the Nationalist party had not given him enough time to prepare for his release and NOT that he was ‘taken completely by surprise’. Funny how meanings can be misread!

In the interesting cross reference interview with Chris Everson, we get insights into the media frenzy plus rapid, almost glib ‘reminders’ of what it was like under apartheid. I say ‘almost glib’ because the following 20 years have flown by so rapidly and it seems as if we are being spin doctored into thinking that ‘apartheid wasn’t that bad’. However, many of us are now wondering: where/how HAS IT SINCE gone so wrong? I wonder how many South Africans fully appreciate the immense diplomatic task that faced Nelson Mandela on his release? Quite clearly it wasn’t just a case of ‘now you can rule’!

The documentary quite chillingly shows that at exactly the same time as Mandela was being released, the Grand Parade in Cape Town was fraught with thronging masses, and apartheid-style control mechanisms (still evidenced today by the ANC). If anybody needed any proof of the REVOLUTIONARY pressure that had long since exceeded boiling point, the dense aggregation and events at the Grand Parade bear testimony. Chris Everson makes the point that the media and the international press undoubtedly played a huge part in freeing this country. It goes without saying that the black population of this country provided the REASON! It was also interesting to note that the throng of international journalists were almost 100% white.

Make NO mistake, those times were fraught with a peculiar insanity. The tensions, that hatred - 20 years later and we still have a long, long way to go. This is said not to undermine the ENORMOUS strides this country has made, nor to disrespect the fact that for the first time in South African history, the entire nation is FREE.

helgé janssen

sobukwe

Filed under: politics — ABRAXAS @ 8:39 am

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Filed under: politics — ABRAXAS @ 8:20 am

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February 19, 2010

on the politics of love

Filed under: cherry bomb, politics — ABRAXAS @ 1:01 pm

“Love, by its very nature, is unworldly, and it is for this reason, rather than its rarity, that it is not only apolitical but anti-political, perhaps the most powerful of all anti-political human forces.”
~ Hannah Arendt

on realism

Filed under: politics — ABRAXAS @ 10:48 am

Realism for the dispossessed means apartheid; deprivation: physically, culturally and mentally. Realism means being a non-person, existing by the grace of the whites. Realism means entrenchment in ethnocentricity.

Vernie February
Mind Your Colour, 1981

The Last Shall Be First: an innerview with Umar Bin Hassan of the Last Poets

Filed under: music, politics, music and exile symposium — ABRAXAS @ 9:03 am

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by JR

Although New York dominated the early Hip Hop scene and told the world that people like Bambaataa and the Furious Five were some of the founding MCs, decades later those historians stand to be corrected. At least a decade before breakdancing and djing hit the scene, you had people like the legendary wordsmiths Gil Scott-Heron and the Last Poets on the scene ripping and rhyming and putting down revolutionary MCing to complement the times.

A time when James Brown was rapping, “Say it Loud, I’m Black and I’m Proud” over a break beat, that people today would say is a Hip Hop beat, and the Black Panther Party was in the streets arming the Black community with revolutionary teaching and ways of solving our problems. Many people will say mistakenly that the music that we call Hip Hop didn’t come out of this, but in reality the Last Poets were some of the first rappers with their raw words and revolutionary lyrics that set the stage for songs like “The Message” to be made. So for all of ya’ll that are Hip Hopped out, bow down and let our elder Umar Bin Hassan of the Last Poets teach ya’ll something …

JR: You are out at the Malcolm X Jazz Festival, and it is kind of like a reunion with you and people like Amiri Baraka and Tarika Lewis out here - how does it feel to be Black in the Bay?

Umar: Aah, Brotha, please, back when we were younger back up in Harlem, we was going through all kind of things together, Amiri Baraka and the Last Poets. That’s when the cultural thing was going. Basically when the Sistas was in the dashikis, the Sistas was in the geles, we was ready, man. We were trying to make some changes in the society, you know.

And there was days where we went up against the police - sometimes we went up against ourselves - we were trying to bring the Black community up. But as you lately know, they found a way to bring in the crack and the bling-bling and the gangster rap to bring us down again, but this (Malcolm X Jazz Festival) is important for Black people to come together culturally with some real culture to share with each other, because there are some of us who need this, man, who are looking for the real stuff again. So it’s a blessing to be here and I am grateful to be here. Thank the Almighty.

JR: What part does culture play in educating our people, specifically Black people?

Umar: Well, Brotha, if you don’t know who you are, then you don’t know where you are going. Culture tells you where you come from, where you should be at now, and where you should be going. Culture is very important to us, man, because you know they stripped us of our culture when we came here. They stripped us of our religions, our names, our sense of music, our sense of who we are, our sense of how we were craftsmen. They took it all from us, like “you are slaves” in that sense. So this has been a monumental journey and battle for us to come back here, to try to bring things back together again. So culture is very important, man. It’s about who you are and what you should be doing in the future.

JR: What’s the importance of events like this in relation to educating the community? And why are you here?

Umar: Because it brings people together and I am anywhere where people are together, because I am a people person, because I grew up in the streets as a young boy, a young hustler through junior high school and high school. I love being amongst the people. Matter of fact, I am the only person in the Last Poets who was voted into the group by people. Everybody else joined or became a member, but the people elected and voted me into the group. So I guess that’s why I hang out with them, because I got to represent, since I am the people’s poet. I represent.

JR: How long has the Last Poets been around, and how did you get into poetry?

Umar: We’ve been around since 1968. It started in Marcus Garvey Park in New York City on May 19, Malcolm X’s birthday. Some Brothas, Abiodun, my partner who works with me now but is not here, Gylan Kane and David Nelson - they were going around Harlem doing poems, and they said why don’t we get together and do some stuff together on Malcolm’s birthday. So they got together on May 19 at Marcus Garvey Park in Harlem, and they did some stuff and it went along pretty well.

So they said that we are going to need a name. What are we going to call ourselves? So David Nelson, who was reading a poem, some poetry work about a Brotha Little Willie Kgositsile from South Africa, he read one of his poems called “A Walk Toward the Sun,” and in that poem Little Willie Kgositsile says that these will be the last days of our talk, music and dance, so therefore we are the last poets of this age. So that’s how the name came about.

“When the moment hatches in time’s womb, there will be no art talk. The only poem you will hear will be the spearpoint pivoted in the punctured marrow of the villain. … Therefore we are the last poets of the world.”

I got into it, when I saw them Brothas at a Black Arts Festival in college in Yellow Springs, Ohio. I was head of security, guarding the people and protecting them from any outside influences during the festival, and I saw the Brothas on stage. I said, “Wow.” After they came off stage, I said that “I’m writing some stuff too. I want to do what ya’ll do. Hook me up.” They said, “Well, if you get some time, come up to our loft at the Easter Inn in Harlem on 125th Street.” I made it that way, and bloom, blam, blam, bloom, and one thing led to another.

JR: How does it feel being an elder and looking back and seeing Hip Hop artists like dead prez and those that are trying to keep it real in ya’ll’s vein? How does it feel?

Umar: Well I’m glad cuz, you know, Stic and M-1, these are young Brothas that we done worked with and dealt with, and we probably will in the future. And plus Chuck D of Public Enemy - as a matter of fact I got a cd over there now that the company America Records put out with Chuck D on it, and they didn’t promote. I’m selling them now. So we work with these young Brothas, and we’re glad that they are out there and still projecting us. They just did a documentary on us on tv, BRAVO (channel), and KRS-1 gave us a nice big plus too. So we respect and we love those Brothas, and we’re grateful to be here in their time, too.

JR: If your grandchildren were seeking some fulfillment in music or through words, who are some of the people that you listen to?

Umar: First of all, if anybody is seeking knowledge, go to the library and get a book. Always get a book because you know that there is that joke, “If you want to keep something away from Black people, put it in a book, because we don’t read.” So that’s the first thing: go get a book. Some of the people that I listen to are Miles Davis, Charlie Parker, Louis Armstrong. Richard Pryor was one of my favorites, the Temptations, the whole Motown sound. That’s what inspired me to want to get up and see my genius come into the fold and see my talent and imagination serve the people, because I have those before me. And being a young boy back then, I always gave respect to those who came before me, not like some of these young kids do, because they think that they created everything, but they haven’t. So once you learn how to do that, to have respect for those that came before you, you too will move forward, you know.

JR: In your work, what has motivated you?

Umar: Well first off, I came out of the hood, and the poem that I wrote, “Niggers Is Scared of Revolution,” everybody said, “Wow, I don’t know how you wrote that.” I used to be a real nigger. I just took some of the things around my environment and my circumstances and put them into intellectual and cultural and uplifting ways to try to change niggers, you know? Cuz I know how niggers act, I didn’t use the word nigger to be cute or to be casual, but I wanted to use the word nigger to expunge the niggerness out of us. So we could change into Black people, into Africans, into human beings. But yeah, everything that is around you is available for you to grasp and for you to share with other human beings.

JR: Do you have anything new that’s out?

Umar: I got a new cd, solo.

JR: What’s the solo called?

Umar: It’s called “Down to the Last.”

JR: Any concluding thoughts?

Umar: Yeah, I’m glad to be here and I am grateful. Thank Allah for letting me be here to do this and be able to speak to you and share some thoughts and opinions with you and your listeners. Peace.

Email JR at fire@sfbayview.com.

this innerview first published here

an undemocratic rant

Filed under: politics, music and exile symposium — ABRAXAS @ 8:45 am

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all these morons think that “democracy” is going to safeguard so-called human rights
when all the evidence historically is painfully to the opposite
democracy got hitler into power
democracy is no safeguard of anything
it is just a convenient way of preventing poor people from rioting because they have these so-called “representatives” who are supposed to champion them in parliament
the problem is that everybody goes to sleep once they can vote
democracy is not the end
it is simply a means
and it has - in fact - been a means for the whites to rob and plunder with impunity for centuries
“in the name of democracy”

aryan kaganof

on civilization and fascism

Filed under: philosophy, politics, music and exile symposium — ABRAXAS @ 8:22 am

western civilisation is no antidote to fascism, it is its fuel.

jean-pierre de la porte

jean-pierre de la porte on the heidegger-blake-kaganof collaboration

every good metaphor is a literal falsehood: saying somebody is like an asshole is stupid and meaningless - saying they are an asshole is mindbendingly apt.

blake writes this complicated gloss on david dargie and all the xhosa music he likes . you come and say it’s a transcription of a sketch for sein und zeit . you make your point with something very heideggerian - the Holzwege and the cars which are so nicely de-entifying.

the time fundamental is shot along by your cutting and the murmuring movements and zooms of the cam - just enough to stop anybody thinking it’s a poetic bunch of stills. the vertigo in the middle is fantastic as is the little window of clouds/ goosefeathers /blossoms - who knows and who cares because your point is not to culminate anything by anything else - so we see the big heidegger deal of 1925 - time is equiprimordial with being.

my son commented- unusually tender for blake - but blake in non-heidegger mode does not sound tende r- you have tenderised him.

it happens that mary rorich and i are making a sort of survey of western philosophy and western music together; we sit and present to each other - off the cuff but in some kind of sequence - the cross-play between music as an invention and philosophy as an invention. today we talked about heidegger and were struck by the way he straddles two avantgardes - he’s the peak of expressionism in 1927 and then he resurrects in 51 as the cool objectivity on everybody’s lips - from stockhausen to sartre.

what can i say? i prefer your sheer false assertion of heidegger in blake to blake’s assertion of dargie/xhosa and to my assertion that hes using the whole occasion to pay debts to debussy. now he has a debut piece to MTV too.

February 18, 2010

kgafela oa magogodi on “blue notes for bra’ geoff”

Filed under: 2005 - giant steps, music, kaganof short films, politics — ABRAXAS @ 9:50 pm

hola. been travelling. settling. now i finally got a chance to look at the beautiful work you’ve done. it is was always a great experience to listen to bra geoff, and i like the fact that he speaks a lot in the film. otsile and lesego are very sharp and provide the necessary notes . how do i begin to speak about mashishi, duma, zim and the music they make… the editing is be-witching… this is mind blowing stuff. thanx for posting it. it will be a great teaching aid in my workshops.
peace be with you.

an important interview with f.w. de klerk

Filed under: politics — ABRAXAS @ 9:04 pm

0134.jpg

http://www.ft.com/cms/s/2/2757b184-06b9-11df-b426-00144feabdc0.html

“We coined the phrase, during the period of my leadership, of the New South Africa.”

(this sentence is very revealing - “the new south africa” was of course a white plot, entrenching white power - it was sold to south africans largely using the so-called free media which is nothing more than an instrument of white capital in this country (in most countries)

“an all-powerful constitution.”

(hugely important point: the constitution entrenches white power)

“If you go back to what the ANC wanted when we started with negotiations and what we agreed upon in the end, there’s a vast difference.”

“I have seen elements of resentment in him at times, and to say he hides it is, I think, unfair, because that means he’s dishonest about it. He suppresses it. It’s not the dominating thing in his life but he would have been super-human if he did not have some resentment. But his remarkable lack of bitterness is astounding.”

(it’s Stockholm Syndrome. finish and klaar)

February 17, 2010

Women must liberate themselves from patriarchy

Filed under: andile mngxitama, politics — ABRAXAS @ 8:47 pm

WHILE the nation has been kept busy with the sensational news of President Jacob Zuma’s love child, I have been part of a discussion on patriarchy and white supremacy on the Blackwash page on Facebook.

The debate was robust and some sparks flew!

The discussion was not moved by the hype around Zuma and his affairs in Soweto, but rather sought to understand the nature of a system that oppresses women in our society – called patriarchy.

Since Zuma’s Soweto child there has been a curious alliance of self-righteous gender activists, religious moralists and opposition parties in the condemnation of Zuma. For some reason Zuma is expected to behave differently from the rest of South African men.

The truth is that South Africa is a patriarchal country. Patriarchy is part of sexism; it puts the interests of men before those of women. It uses culture, religion, tradition – and even love – to justify the enslavement of women.

Women do all the difficult domestic work, including childcare. Women are forbidden to have more than one husband or lover. If women have more than one lover they are called izifebe but men with many women are praised as amasoka. Patriarchy reduces women to being the property of men.

It is patriarchy that explains the shockingly high incidence of rape and related violence against women in our country. The discussion on the Blackwash page focused on how black men are agents of patriarchy, while at the same time being victims of white supremacy with their womenfolk.

This raises the challenge of whether black men can be partners with black women in fighting patriarchy since they are beneficiaries and perpetrators of the same system that oppresses women.

Views on this matter are diverse. Some people argue that only women can liberate themselves from male oppression. This view mirrors Biko’s assertion that only the oppressed can free themselves.

While patriarchy turns women into slaves, white supremacy on the other hand places whites on top of all blacks, then place black men on top of black women, while oppressing both black men and women.

One of the examples used to explain how white supremacy sustains patriarchy is the fact that the ritual of Ulwaluko- hobolla-koma (male initiation into “manhood”) has been preserved by colonialists to create black men who remain boys in the eyes of white women, children and men, but these fake black men would kill for their “manhood” within the black community.

The colonialist took everything away from black people, including their land, and let them keep and celebrate their useless manhood. White supremacy and patriarchy are like milk and tea. It’s no longer possible or desirable to separate patriarchy from white supremacy.

Patriarchy is indeed bad for both men and women, so an anti-patriarchy alliance between black women and men is possible.

But men must be prepared to forgo some of the current benefits of patriarchy, such as owning the bodies of women if they want to be real comrades in the struggle against women oppression.

One of the most disturbing discoveries from the debate is that some of the black philosophies and movements that claim to fight white supremacy actually hates women, lesbians and gays. They use being “African” as a justification for their backward ideas.

The debate continues.

this article first published on the sowetan.co.za

February 16, 2010

world vote now

Filed under: jimmy "wordsworth" rage, music, politics, music and exile symposium — ABRAXAS @ 8:42 am


soundtrack by jimmy rage and bamba nazar for bodega sounds

February 15, 2010

The political theology of Ernst Jünger

Filed under: bo cavefors, politics — ABRAXAS @ 12:31 pm

Peter Trawny is the author of a 2009 book published in German by Matthes & Seitz Berlin under the title “Die Autorität des Zeugen: Ernst Jüngers politisches Werk” (The Authority of the [Time] Witness: The Political Work of Ernst Jünger; my translation). The subtitle of this book was first announced as “Ernst Jüngers politische Theologie” (The Political Theology of Ernst Jünger), and – despite what is printed on the cover now and what it says on the publisher’s website – so it is still listed, for example, on the German site of Amazon.

www.matthes-seitz-berlin.de/scripts/buch.php?ID=281

Ernst Jünger was a soldier, writer, and contemporary of Carl Schmitt and Martin Heidegger and, after the Second World War, equally an outcast. However, unlike Schmitt and Heidegger, he succeeded in living down his nationalist right-wing past (helped by the fact that he had never joined the Nazis) and died in high honours at the age of 102 in 1998.

From the publisher’s description: “As a world-warrior, Ernst Jünger knew what he wrote about: he had been there, (…) he was the witness and thus claimed a higher authority. His essay ‘Der Arbeiter’ [The Worker] (1933) was meant to be a ‘little fighting machine’ that invoked the future of a ‘new race’. It does so as a political theology, as a foundational work, that legitimizes itself theologically. But Jünger fails. The authority of the witness isn’t shattered by the war, but by the Shoah. His attempts to immerse into the pain of the events come to nothing. […] Unpublished manuscripts and letters show to what extent Jünger’s later efforts to cast himself as unpolitical are to be regarded as a cover-up.” (my translation)

The book received very positive reviews in Germany.

Peter Trawny is a German philosopher who has been a visiting professor at various universities in Europe and Asia.

THIS NOTICE FIRST APPEARED on erick kofmel’s political theology agenda

curtis mayfield - we the people who are darker

Filed under: cherry bomb, music, andile mngxitama, politics, music and exile symposium — ABRAXAS @ 8:48 am

February 14, 2010

one more from the hartmann

Filed under: music, politics, music and exile symposium — ABRAXAS @ 9:08 am

Dear Colleagues,

Many interesting points have been raised in response to my presentation and comments – points that have made me reflect on a number of issues.

At the end of my précis regarding my research concerning Sibelius and Nazism, I observed that “the hagiographical picture has been painted over and touched up to conform to post-war mores, and the fallacious belief that great artists - who are also national heroes - must also be decent people. Nor are such issues irrelevant to the interpretation of the music itself. The situation is, of course, special for Sibelius who - fortunately - composed his music before the Nazis assumed power. Nevertheless, it is my contention in my study of ‘Sibelius and the SS’ that there was a convergence of ideologies that allowed for a kind of ‘interpenetration’ between his music and their ideology, the significance of which was never lost on either party.”

To be sure, whether Sibelius or Hartmann were decent people is irrelevant to their significance and impact as artists. My point is that so-called music historians want them to be “humanists” and “paint over” or “suppress” those aspects of their biographies that do not conform to their, i.e., the historians’, own morality: the result is that hagiography and myth-making substitute for biography. But this is an ancillary point; crucial is the central point: the composer’s presentation of his music as a political statement. In Sibelius’s case, it is clear that Sibelius participated in the exploitation of his music and its concomitant ideology to promote the Nazi cause. Let us consider the historical record, which, for the reasons just given, has been completely ignored by Sibelius scholarship for the past sixty years.

In 1935, Helmuth Thierfelder conducted Sibelius’s Second Symphony with the Frankfurt Radio Orchestra to celebrate the composer’s seventieth birthday, which coincided with Hitler presenting Sibelius with the Goethe Medal. At the same time, in the Allgemeine Musikzeitung, Thierfelder published an open letter to Sibelius. I present the German original first; there is at least one sentence that is difficult to translate and interpret, which I have placed in bold type.

An Jean Sibelius

Finnlands großem Sohne zum 70. Geburtstag

Verehrter Meister!

Das junge Deutschland gratuliert! Und zwar von ganzen Herzen! Es verspricht alles das gut zu machen, was eine frühere Zeit an Ihnen, lieber siebzigjähriger Meister, versäumte.

Die angelsächsischen Länder, als Siegerstaaten nach dem Weltkriege weniger zersetzenden Mächten ausgeliefert, haben Sie schon eher in Ihrer ganzen Bedeutung zu erfassen versucht, während man sich bei uns nach dem Kriege jahrelang einer ebenso unfruchtbaren wie volksfremden Kunstrichtung hingab. Sie aber, allein Volk und Heimat verbunden, schufen inzwischen ein herrliches Orchesterwerk nach dem anderen. Und so bezwang in jener unseligen Zeit die Urkraft Ihrer Tonsprache alle die deutschen Menschen, für welche völkische Begriffe immer schon Ewigkeitswert besessen haben.

Was ist nun näturlichler, als daß Ihnen dafür besonders das erwachte, junge Deutschland aus ehrlichem Herzen danken möchte! Sie haben in einer Zeit gefährlichster Umwertung fast aller uns heiligen Begriffe in der kleinen Front der wenigen Großen gestanden, die uns Jüngeren den Glauben an den Endsieg des Guten erhielten und die Kräfte zum Kampfe erneuern halfen.

Sie, verehrter Meister, haben uns den herrlichen Beweis erbracht, daß die einzige international Tonsprache nur jene ist, die in ihrem charakteristischen Ausdruck nicht einen Augenblick das Temperament der eigenen Rasse verleugnet. Das Gedankengut Ihrer großen musikalischen Tonschöpfungen entstammt dem Boden Ihrer an schönen Volksliedern so reichen finnischen Heimat, ist also volksliedhaft im höchsten Sinne – und doch wüßte ich nicht ein Volkslied, das Ihnen irgendwo zur bequemen Unterlage für eines Ihrer Meisterwerke gedient hätte.

Das Ausdrucksweise Ihres Orchesters, die geradezu revolutionär zu nennende klangliche Erweiterung ganzer Instrumentalgruppen, dann aber auch wieder die alles bezwingende Zartheit impressionistischer Tonmalerei, benützten gewisse Kunstrichter gern zu der Feststellung, “daß gegen die Instrumentation allerdings nichts einzuwenden sei,” ohne dabei zu ahnen, wie fremd gerade Ihnen die sogenannte “Kunst des Instrumentierens” ist. Für Sie ist in der Tat der glänzendste äußere Rahmen nie Selbstzweck, sondern das kostbare Gefäß eines noch kostbaren Inhalts. Natur! Natur! Nichts als Natur! Da scheint mir der Hauptschlüssel für Verständnis Ihres gesamten musikalischen Schaffens zu liegen.

Der Weg zu Ihnen sollte angesichts so erd- und natur-gebundener Haltung kaum besonderen Schwierigkeiten unterliegen. Und doch! Wer Sie besitzen will, muß Sie erwerben, denn wie alles Charaktervolle und Kompromißlose in der Welt Ecken und Kanten aufweist, so ist auch Ihre herrliche Musik alles andere als gefällig. Das nordisch-grüblerische, aber auch das dämonische Zauberwesen finnischer Herkunft rührt an die letzten Gründe der Menschlichkeit, und will nicht nur gehört, sondern auch erkämpft werden.

So wie die Helden der Kalevala, an ihrer Spitze der von Ihnen so meisterhaft besungene strahlende Lemminkainen, siegreich streitend Pohjolas Reich durchzogen, so müssen wir uns zum geistigen Kampfe rüsten, um der ewig geltenden Werte Ihrer künstlerischen Lebensarbeit ganz teilhaftig zu werden.

Deutschland fühlt heute mehr denn je die Pflicht in sich, den Meistern der nordischen, uns verwandten Musik eine Heimat in seinem Herzen zu bereiten; bei Ihnen hochgeehrter Meister, dürfen wir noch dazu den unschätzbaren künstlerischen Gewinn in den Vordergrund rücken, den das hörende wie schaffende Deutschland aus Ihren Tonschöpfungen ziehen wird.

Helmuth Thierfelder

I have translated this letter as follows:

To Jean Sibelius

Finland’s great son on his 70th birthday

Honored Master!

The new Germany congratulates you! And from the bottom of [its] heart! It promises to make good for all that an earlier period, dear seventy-year-old Master, ignored. The Anglo-Saxon countries, [who] as victorious states after the world war [were] less at the mercy of subversive elements, for some time already have attempted to comprehend your complete meaning [Ihre ganze Bedeutung], while in our case after the war for years one was devoted to an artistic direction that was as unfruitful as it was foreign to the people [Volksfremd]. But you, bound only to people and homeland, in the meantime created one wonderful orchestral work after the other. And thus, in that unholy time, all of the German people for whom national [völkisch] concepts still had an eternal value were captivated.

What is now more natural than that the aroused, New Germany [erwachte Deutschland] should want to thank you from the bottom of its heart! In a time of the most dangerous revaluation of almost all of our most holy concepts, you stood in the small front [Front] of the few greats who preserved the hope of final victory [Endsieg] of the good and helped to renew the power for battle [Kampf].

You, honored Master, have provided us with the wonderful evidence that only international musical language is that which in its characteristic expression never denies even for a moment the temperament of its own race [Rasse]. The body of thought of your great musical creations stems from the soil [Boden] of your Finnish homeland, so rich in beautiful folksongs, and is therefore folksonglike in the highest sense – and yet I am unaware of a folksong that anywhere served as a comfortable basis for one of your masterworks.

The manner of expression of your orchestration, the frankly revolutionary sonic expansion of whole instrumental groups, but then also by contrast everything compelling delicateness of impressionistic tone painting, led certain critics to conclude “that there is nothing to object to in the instrumentation,” without suspecting how foreign to you is the so-called “art of instrumentation.” For you, in fact, the most glittering outer framework is never a goal in itself, but rather the precious container for even more precious contents. Nature! Nature! Nothing but Nature! This appears to me to be the key to understanding all of your music.

The path to you, in view of your earth- and nature-bound orientation should hardly present special difficulties. And yet! He who would possess your music must earn it, since everything full of character and without compromise in this world presents twists and turns, so in your wonderful music everything is other than obliging. The Nordic-brooding, but also the demonic magical being of Finnish provenance resides in the last boundaries of humanity and does not only want to be heard but earned through struggle.

Thus, like the heroes of the Kalevala, at the head of them, the glorious Lemminkainen so masterly sung of striding victoriously [siegreich] through Pojohla’s kingdom we must arm ourselves for spiritual battles [Kampfe] so as to be able to participate in the eternally valid values of your artistic life’s work.

Today, Germany feels more than ever the duty to prepare a home in its breast for you, the Master of a Nordic, related music; further, with you, highly honored Master, we may move into the foreground the incalculable artistic benefit that the listening as well as creative Germany may draw from your sonic creations.

Helmuth Thierfelder

My colleague, Prof. Dr. Gerhard Splitt (an expert on music in the Third Reich, and especially Richard Strauss), agrees with my explanation that Thierfelder subscribes to Nazi conspiracy theory, namely that everybody and everything is controlled by “International Jewry,” “the Protocols of the Elders of Zion,” the Communists – the phrase “ebenso unfruchtbare wie volksfremde Kunstrichtung” refers to the atonalists, Jews, Bolsheviks, in short, the cultural and music-Bolsheviks [“Das sind die Atonalen, Juden, Bolschewisten, kurz: die Kultur- bzw. Musikbolschewisten”]. Splitt clarifies the sentence as follows:

“Die angelsächsischen Länder, [die] als Siegerstaaten nach dem Weltkriege weniger zersetzenden Mächten ausgeliefert [waren als Deutschland], haben Sie [deshalb] schon eher in Ihrer ganzen Bedeutung zu erfassen versucht, während man sich bei uns nach dem Kriege jahrelang einer ebenso unfruchtbaren wie volksfremden Kunstrichtung hingab.”

He writes that what Thierfelder means to say is this: “The Anglo-Saxons could try earlier to understand Sibelius ‘in his complete meaning,’ because after WW I they were less at the mercy of the music-Bolsheviks than the Germans. The music-Bolsheviks are guilty. It is also clear that the Anglo-Saxons are somewhat unsuccessful; they have ATTEMPTED to understand Sibelius. What is implied: those who really understand Sibelius are in fact the Germans [“Was er sagen will, ist: Die Angelsächsen konnten früher versuchen, Sibelius in seiner ganzen Bedeutung zu verstehen, weil sie nach WW I den Musikbolschewisten weniger ausgesetzt waren als Deutschland. Die Musikbolschewisten sind schuld. Klar aber auch, dass die angelsächsischen Länder etwas abbekommen: sie haben immerhin VERSUCHT, den Sibelius zu verstehen. Was implizit meint: Die wirklichen Sibelius-Versteher sind wohl doch die Deutschen].

It is noteworthy - and significant - that Thierfelder employs the enigmatic phrase “in Ihrer ganzen Bedeutung zu erfassen” in this open letter from 1935 and again in 1942 in a private letter to Sibelius (this letter accompanied Nazi newspaper reports on the “Finlandkonzert” Thierfelder organized in Hanover and his guest-conducting and interviews with Sibelius in Finland). The 1942 letter reads:

May 19, 1942

Deeply honored, dear Master,

As a small thank-you for the pleasant hours that I was again able to spend with you, I can report today of a new, wonderful success of your works in Germany. I hope that I am able to make you happy with this. If I do not find myself applauding everything that the newspapers write, nevertheless most if it is good and correct and will show you with what open-mindedness your wonderful works are received in Germany, and how one is concerned to perceive your complete meaning [Sie in Ihrer ganzen Bedeutung zu erfassen].

With many warm and respectful greetings to you, also from my wife,

Your truly beholden

Helmuth Thierfelder

Enclosures: interviews and reviews

[Hochverehrter, lieber Meister!

Als kleinen Dank für die schönen Stunden, die ich wieder bei Ihnen verlaben durfte, kann ich Ihnen heute von einem neuen schönen Erfolg Ihrer Werke in Deutschland berichten. Ich hoffe, dass ich Ihnen damit eine Freude machen kann. Wenn auch nicht alles, was die Zeitungen schreiben, meinen Beifall findet, so ist aber doch das meiste gut und richtig und wird Ihnen zeigen, mit welchem aufgeschlossenen Sinn Ihre herlichen Werke in Deutschland aufgenommen werden, und wie man sich bemüht, Sie in Ihrer ganzen Bedeutung zu erfassen.

Mit vielen herzlichen Grüssen an die verehrten Ihrigen, auch von meiner Frau,

Ihr Ihnen stets true ergebener

Helmuth Thierfelder]

Anl. Interviews und Kritiken

The topic of Sibelius reception in the Anglo-Saxon lands came up in a discussion between Prof. Dr. Tomi Mäkelä and myself concerning his article for our book, and also with Dr. Antti Vihinen. In his article, Mäkelä observes regarding early Anglo-Saxon Sibelius reception: “Although North-American and British societies and identities are in many respects fundamentally multicultural, regional enthusiasm and local patriotism did become important aspects in both cultures in the 20th Century. Similar to the German ‘Heimatkultur’ - movements around 1900 – particularly in the North of Germany - an intellectual reaction to colonialism, internationalism and exoticism, as well as to urbanity and industrialization eventually culminating in the concept of “national revolution” (as understood in Germany today, the term ‘national revolution’ signifies the ‘revolutions’ – to date and projected into the future – of the ultra-right wing nationalist fascists; the fascists also apply this term to themselves) – this trend in the English-speaking realms encouraged radically ‘right-wing’ attitudes and even well-organized movements. In my view, a thorough analysis of English and North-American style fascism, pseudo-fascism, and pro-Nordic conservatism (often linked with anti-Semitism and chauvinism) before and after 1945, should be undertaken in music; only in light of such scholarly study of English and North American fascism can its impact first upon early Sibelius reception (above all Olin Downes and Lucien Price, to start with) and then later reception, as in Wendy Hall’s interpretation, be fully evaluated. A thorough analysis of English and North-American style fascism, pseudo-fascism, and pro-Nordic conservatism (often linked with anti-Semitism and chauvinism) before and after 1945, should be undertaken in music; only in light of such scholarly study of English and North American fascism can its impact first upon early Sibelius reception (above all Olin Downes and Lucien Price, to start with) and then later reception, as in Wendy Hall’s interpretation, be fully evaluated.”
In the context of this discussion in 2007, I pointed out the importance of Harvard-trained Lothrop Stoddard, especially his 1922 pamphlet The Revolt Against Civilization: The Menace of the Under Man and that “it is in Stoddard’s work - that is, in an ENGLISH-SPEAKING AMERICAN pseudo-scientist of the inter-war period - that you find the original sources of the notions that make Hall’s work possible - as well as that of Downes and Price…..These white supremacy theories are deeply rooted in the Ivy Leagues up through the 1920s. Don’t forget Sibelius’s connection with Yale….There were signs in the US that read ‘No dogs or Jews allowed’ in this period. Only in the later 1930s as people began to see the consequences of this way of thinking, was there a backlash; and the decisive blow was struck only with the actual opening up of the [concentration] camps and Nuremburg.” As Stephen Norwood has shown in his study The Third Reich in the Ivory Tower: Complicity and Conflict on American Campuses (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), the upper administrations of these Ivy League schools were rife with polite – and sometimes not-so-polite - anti-Semitism and racial bigotry.

To return to Thierfelder’s argument in light of these observations, we now may better grasp Thierfelder’s point; what he is saying is the following: in the post-WW I period, the Americans and British were “less at the mercy of subversive elements,” that is, they did not almost have a Communist take-over, and also, their music was not infiltrated by atonalists, Jews, and Communists, and so they would be better positioned to “attempt” to understand Sibelius’s “complete meaning,” namely, that only by rejecting an international modernism of Communists and Jews in favor of an art rooted in people and soil could there be a “fruitful” artistic direction. That the Anglo-Saxon lands should ultimately fail to comprehend Sibelius’s “complete meaning” is presumably because they are too broad-minded, i.e., and more specifically because they have permitted themselves to be infiltrated by “subversive elements” (Jewish, left-leaning atonalist émigrés and the like). The “New Germany” (i.e., Nazi Germany), by contrast, alone grasps Sibelius’s “complete meaning” and possesses the necessary firmness and willpower to permit and encourage only a “völkisch” music like Sibelius’s.

Thierfelder never would have dared publish this open letter in the Allgemeine Musikzeitung without having discussed it first with Sibelius and receiving his approval. Nor would Sibelius’s publisher Helmuth von Hase, the director of Breitkopf und Härtel and also the publisher of the Allgemeine Musikzeitung, have allowed Thierfelder’s letter to be printed if he had believed it to run contrary to Sibelius’s wishes. Furthermore, if Sibelius had objected, we would not expect to see this letter published in the Finnish musicology journal a month after its publication in Germany. The great preponderance of evidence is that Sibelius endorsed Thierfelder, and helped him to “spread the gospel,” so to speak. Post-1938, Sibelius never would have intervened in the internal affairs of the Reich to help Thierfelder if he were put off by Thierfelder’s Nazi orientation and interpretation of his music.

The audience for the original letter would be German rather than Finnish. The original German wording makes it look like Sibelius is a Nazi sympathiser. So, the point would be made to the German public: “Sibelius is one of us, i.e., Sibelius is a Nazi like us.” It would not surprise me if it was the German version of the open letter - in combination with other indications - that led Adorno to react as he did in his “Glossen,” although he does not cite the letter. In an article in the Munich edition of Der volkische Beobachter by Heinrich Stahl (1940), that I have never seen cited in any Sibelius bibliography, the author claims: “In mehrfacher Beziehung darf man Sibelius in die Bezirke deutscher Musik einbeziehen….” [“In many respects, one can draw Sibelius into the realm of German music”]. In other words, the intention is to appropriate Sibelius to German, i.e., Nazi-German music, a process that is now well underway if not complete. Now, the argument has been made that the one being appropriated - namely, Sibelius – was “passive,” having nothing to with those “actively” doing the appropriating - namely, the Nazis - for their own purposes. But I believe that this open letter, which Thierfelder could not have published without Sibelius’s approval and remained intimate with him, let alone have it translated and published in Finland - in conjunction with a host of other indicators - shows that Sibelius approved of this appropriation and encouraged it. And this approval is for me - and for Adorno as well - the threshold for involvement: the doorway from passive observer to active participant, from disengagement to engagement. Given Sibelius’s enormous prestige, this act was tremendously significant, both for our understanding of the man and his music.

The related question now arises as to whether Hartmann became engaged in a similar way on behalf of the Apartheid regime in South Africa; i.e., whether he used his music to further the political goals of the Nationalists. My future research will focus – in part – in trying to find an answer. Preliminary indications are that Hartmann never felt himself to be part of the Afrikaner establishment, nor did that party have any allegiance to him, regarding him unfavorably if at all. He did compose a “Symphonic Fanfare” for the Van Riebeck Festival of apparently four minutes duration in 1952; does this show any commitment to the Apartheid regime? My guess is that Hartmann’s main political preoccupation was survival, especially since during the war he was suspected – like many German-speaking émigrés, both Gentile and Jewish - of being a “Fifth Columnist.”

Timothy Jackson

February 12, 2010

music in south africa: censorship and repression

Filed under: ian kerkhof, music, censorship, politics, music and exile symposium — ABRAXAS @ 12:21 pm

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20yearsoffreedom.com -Foundation partners with Visual History Archive to create interactive map of Mr Mandela’s release

Filed under: politics — ABRAXAS @ 11:33 am

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click here

Interactive website contains documents, photos and audio-visual material related to Madiba’s release
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February 10, 2010 – The Nelson Mandela Foundation, in partnership with the Visual History Archive (VHA), launched a free online archival portal today, to celebrate the 20th anniversary of the release of Mr Mandela.

According to Craig Matthew, director of Doxa Productions, VHA’s parent company, the website, Nelson Mandela 20 years of freedom, involves the integration of documents, photographs and audio-visual material related to Mr Mandela’s release and allows users “to explore the spatial and temporal relationships between items”.

“This project began as a concept about 10 years ago as I began to look into the problems of existing audio-visual archives, with my own (Doxa) collection as an example,” said Matthew. “This prompted me to explore and research some of the deeper issues around the mechanical problems related to the preservation of material, and also around the way archives are stored, categorised and made available.”

According to Matthew, as the information age gathers momentum, there is a large amount of information haphazardly stored on the internet, as well as in libraries and in institutions around the world. This development has allowed archivists to change the way information is stored, to highlight how most information is part of a larger narrative. This opens up potential to challenge dominant narratives of the past.

Sello Hatang, Nelson Mandela Foundation Information Communications Manager, said: “The Centre for Memory and Dialogue saw this as an opportunity to spread Madiba’s legacy. It is our mandate to make his legacy accessible to the world; the 20th anniversary of his release presents this opportunity.”

The aim, said Matthew, is to help create a more informed society where knowledge is “well organised and freely available to everyone”.

“The system is based on bringing together all forms and formats of archive together with mapped data, a temporal component and oral history and memory,” added Matthew.

The Visual History Archive was formed by Doxa Productions in 2008 and is an independently funded, non-profit entity based in Cape Town, South Africa.

The Visual History Archive initiated a digital archiving project in 2008, which involves establishing relationships with historical audio-visual collection owners and custodians, conducting archival audits and sourcing previously unknown footage, digitising and preserving audio-visual material, and creating freely accessible online portals.

To view the website, visit www.20yearsoffreedom.com.

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