I truly enjoyed these paragraphs by Jean-Pierre:
“so far for every piece of evidence led, equally convincing arguments have come from both sides of the dispute. Now is the time for character witnesses- the community of sibelius scholars is being asked by tim to significantly revise its biographic conception of sibelius to include the fact of his being a nazi sympathizer.
This is equivalent of asking the golf community to revise their conception of tiger woods from overall mr nice guy to serial philanderer- except in sibelius’ case there are no publicity hungry aggrieved mistress having press conferences nor secret mobile phones with naughty messages about assignations. The burden then falls on tim to revise the entire pattern of sibelius biography - a huge network of actions, intentions and events in such a way as to make the nazi episode seem quite consistent,coherent and expected. The burden of circumstantial proof for the the pro sibelius camp is to fortify that same pattern of actions and events so as to exclude or make vanishingly small the probability of sibelius being a nazi sympathiser - with a sibelius of such consistently liberal character, tim’s accusations simply cannot stick.”
I think that I do have the historical “glue” in the form of documents to make my assertions about Sibelius “stick.”

As the author of the articles “Sibelius the Political” and “Sibelius and the SS” that have elicited a “Sibeliusstreit,” I thought that I should offer a very brief view of at least part of my research on the connections between Sibelius and the Nazi regime. The first article is about 100 printed pages with full documentation, to appear in“Sibelius the Political” in Sibelius in the Old and New World: Aspects of His Music, Its Interpretaton, and Reception, eds. Timothy L. Jackson, Veijo Murtomäki, Colin Davis, and Tomi Mäkela (Peter Lang: New York, Bern, Berlin, Bruxelles, Frankfurt am Main, Oxford, Wien), forthcoming 2010. It should be out soon.
An important aspect of the original documents that form the basis of my studies is not only their content but their tone. The Nazis had their own version of the German language – well described by Victor Klemperer in his Lingua Tertii Imperii – so that resonances of the original wording is almost impossible to translate; for this reason, in the scholarly versions, I have generally included the German originals in footnotes. Thus, the reader will be able not only to check the accuracy of my translations but also appreciate the mode of address; for example, by reading the German letters between Sibelius and Günther Raphael, it is possible to contrast the cold officiousness of Sibelius’s communications to Raphael (post-1933) with the warm, friendly obsequiousness of his responses to Thierfelder (more about this matter shortly). For a long time it has been asserted that Sibelius maintained a strategic distance from the Nazi regime, a “hands-off” policy so to speak, counter to Goebbels’ assertion that the artist must take a position. My research, primarily with documents in German archives - but also with help from Finnish colleagues (especially Prof. Veijo Murtomäki, although he has a different viewpoint) - in the Finnish archives, demonstrates this not to have been the case.

Sibelius was friendly with a conductor by the name of Helmuth Thierfelder, who was a card-carrying Nazi and SS member who wanted to propagandize on behalf of the “New Germany” in the Baltic Countries, Finland, Sweden, and promote the Finnish-Germany alliance. Since he proclaimed himself as a “National Socialist Conductor” of the “New German” music - as well as of Sibelius and the classics - when Thierfelder conducted in Sweden and Lithuania in 1938, he was greeted with resistance both in the press and public.
Only in Finland, which seems to have been more favorably disposed to Nazi Germany, was Thierfelder’s reception warmer. In 1933, he became a member of the SS-Berlin, in the Stabe of the 6th Standarte; since July 1936, when he moved to Hamburg, he was in the Stabe of the 28th SS Standarte. In Hamburg, he befriended his chief of the SS there, Guenther Pancke, then Stabsführer SS-Oberabschnitt “Nord.” (Pancke had served time during the Weimar Republic for throwing a gas bomb into a crowded theater showing the film “All Quiet on the Western Front.”) In 1937, along with the Swedish composer Kurt Atterberg, and shortly thereafter Sibelius, Pancke would try to help Thierfelder hold onto his job at German Radio (see below).
In another, printed version of his curriculum vita, Thierfelder proudly writes that from 1929-1933 he “took active part in the cultural-political battles in Berlin’s musical life against foreign [artfremd] Internationalism,” a code-phrase for Jewish, left-leaning and avant-garde artists and composers. For example, in May 1933, Thierfelder signed a public denunciation of Leo Kestenberg (music advisor in the Prussian Ministry of Education and the Arts in the Weimar Republic, condemned and exiled as a Jew) and Fritz Jöde (a music educator who later became a loyal Nazi Party member). In October 1933, Thierfelder received the Knight’s Cross, First Class, from Finnish President Pehr Evind Svinhufvud (Kivimäki was Prime Minister at the time) for “his service to German-Finnish cultural exchange.” In 1935, Thierfelder conducted Sibelius’s Second Symphony with the Frankfurt Radio Orchestra to celebrate the composer’s seventieth birthday, which coincided with Hitler presenting Sibelius with the Goethe Medal. At the same time, Thierfelder also published an open letter in the main German and Finnish music magazines addressed to Sibelius in German and Finnish - that Sibelius must have approved - the text of which makes Sibelius a Nazi sympathiser; this letter was probably the reason that Adorno branded Sibelius a Nazi sympathiser.
After these 1935 events, for a series of reasons, none of them “political,” Thierfelder found himself unemployed and in trouble with the Reich Radio authorities in Germany in late 1937 and early 1938. At this point, documents provide evidence for Sibelius’s intervention on Thierfelder’s behalf with Goebbels’ Propaganda Ministry (ProMi). On February 6, 1938, four days after meeting with Sibelius and receiving a written general recommendation from him, Thierfelder penned the following letter to another SS friend Hans Hinkel, SS Oberführer, the (notorious) Reichs Cultural Officer: “Two days ago I returned from abroad [Finland] and, for some time, have tried to keep my nose above water as a German musician. I have succeeded, although with great difficulty because everywhere sit the emigrant types like Fritz Busch (Stockholm, etc.), who say that after they left Germany there are no more up-and-coming conductors. Therefore, as a National Socialist it is more difficult but better! I hope that you could glance through my report and the foreign press notices and be satisfied with my work.” After the meeting with Sibelius at the beginning of February, Thierfelder decided to appeal directly to Goebbels (in March). Did Sibelius and Thierfelder discuss this strategy? Could Sibelius have mentioned Heinz Drewes in Goebbel’s ProMi, who would become the director of the German Sibelius Society in 1942? All of a sudden, Thierfelder’s fortunes took a U-turn for the better. Apparently, he was allowed to conduct the Berlin Philharmonic in the Berlin Radio Hall on the evening before Hitler’s birthday, April 19, 1938! An internal memo directed to Goebbels represents a reversal in the views of the officials within the ProMi: “Dr. Thierfelder cannot be successfully employed as previously for cultural-political propaganda work in the Nordic countries and Baltic bordering states if he does not have some position in the Reich. It is especially necessary that his name not disappear totally from the programs of the Reich Radio Company. Politically, there are no concerns about Dr. Thierfelder personally. Even if he also first joined the Party on May 1, 1933, already since 1930 he was already active for the movement. Before the takeover of power he was a member of the Kampfbund für deutsche Kultur. In the years 1931-32, he repeatedly directed his own concerts with the Berlin Philharmoniker for subscribers to the NS Press, especially the “Angriff,” even though this effort represented for him an economic loss. Already in 1930, through Jewish machinations, he lost his position at the Berlin Sinfonie-Orchester. Considering Thierfelder’s cultural-politically valuable service, which goes well beyond that of the average conductor, I ask for the authority to signal to Dr. Glasmeier or a director of one of the radio stations, to employ Dr. Thierfelder. In this connection I am thinking above all of the radio stations that cultivate cultural connections with the Nordic and Baltic States. Heil Hitler!”

duemling drewes goebbels
After all of these appeals, Goebbels decided that no one should be forced to hire Thierfelder, but behind the scenes everything should be done to help him. As a result, by the fall of 1938, Thierfelder had been engaged as the chief conductor of the Niedersachsen Orchestra in Hanover. With the outbreak of war, in 1939, while serving as a reserve officer training motorcycle-mounted troops on the Polish border, Thierfelder found himself threatened with being fired and his orchestra being disbanded. And again, there is evidence of intervention by Dr. Drewes within the ProMi to preserve the orchestra and Thierfelder’s position. In 1941, Thierfelder was put on the “valuable persons” (UK-) list so that he would never be drafted a second time and instead could continue his “important propaganda work,” once more with the support of Sibelius’s connections in the ProMi. Then, in 1942, Thierfelder, with Sibelius’s backing, organized a “Finland Concert” with his orchestra to perform some of Sibelius’s warlike music to celebrate the German-Finnish “Waffenbruderschaft” - this highly politicized festive concert immediately followed a conducting stint in Helsinki and a meeting with Sibelius - all events much publicized in the Nazi press. On May 10, 1942, the Hannoverscher Anzeiger, announced excitedly, “In the series – ‘Music of the Peoples’ – the Lower Saxony Orchestra of Hanover will present on May 14 a ‘Finland Concert,’ over which His Excellency the Finnish Ambassador Minister Professor Kivimäki and the Gauleiter and Higher President Lauterbacher will preside. Dr. Helmuth Thierfelder, the conductor of the Lower Saxony Orchestra, in the course of a guest appearance in Helsinki, had occasion to visit Sibelius and spoke with our special reporter about it.“ In an article published 12 May, 1942 in the Niedersächsische Tageszeitung, Sibelius is full of enthusiasm for the founding of the German Sibelius Society. There can be no question of the composer’s aloofness: for the first time, he feels properly appreciated in Germany. And he concurs with the author’s view of him as a composer who had to wait until the advent of the Third Reich to find his true place in German concert halls, which had been formerly dominated by “Modernists” – read “Degenerate Musicians.” This report also demonstrates a stunning obsequiousness on Sibelius’s part towards Thierfelder: “In April of this year, Dr. Thierfelder was again invited as guest conductor for two concerts in Helsinki. Sibelius wrote shortly before from his country seat in Järvenpää: ‘When you arrive in Helsinki, please call me by telephone immediately. You are heartily welcome. I am already looking forward to it.’ On the first day of his stay there was no opportunity for this call since the radio concert began immediately after his arrival; thus the telephone greeting had to be postponed to the next day. Dr. Thierfelder then conducted Mozart’s G minor Symphony, and shortly after the last tones had died away, the telephone rang in the radio studio; Professor Sibelius is on the line and wishes to speak to the German conductor. ‘May you be most welcome,’ says Sibelius to Thierfelder, ‘I have just heard your Mozart performance and wish to thank you for the wonderful tempi. Tomorrow we will meet at my house.’ This was a hearty greeting and at the same time a friendly invitation.”

No expense was spared for the elaborate decoration of the Domed Hall of the City Auditorium (see photograph), a clear indication of the political and cultural significance attached to the event by both Nazis and Finns. The concert, which took place on May 12, 1942, featured some of Sibelius’s most nationalistic and pugnacious music, “The Song of the Athenians” and the complete, newly revised four-movement Lemminkainen Suite in its German premiere. As Andrew Barnett observes concerning the text of “The Song of the Athenians,” “the poem [Dexippos] depicts the struggle between the culture and civilization of the Greeks and the might of the barbarous Persians – from the Finnish perspective, an obvious analogy with the relationship between Finland and Russia.” How fitting that this text should be sung by Hitler Youth, infantry and airforce choirs: its contemporary resonances are not lost on the critics, who comment on the appropriateness of these military forces, “joined in the beautiful presentation of a work that glorified war and heroic death [das Kampf und Heldentod verherrlicht].” The comparison between the warlike Lemminkainen and Siegfried resonated with another critic, August Uerz, who discerned in Lemminkainen the “Siegfried-like character from the Finnish folk-epic Kalevala” (review from Friday 15 May, 1942, Niedersächsische Tageszeitung). On May 19, 1942, Thierfelder sent all of these newspaper reviews and reports to Sibelius with the following letter: “Deeply honored, dear Master, as a small thank-you for the pleasant hours that I was again able to spend with you, I can report today of a new, wonderful success of your works in Germany. I hope that I am able to make you happy with this. If I do not find myself applauding everything that the newspapers write, nevertheless most if it is good and correct and will show you with what open-mindedness your wonderful works are received in Germany, and how one is concerned to perceive your complete meaning [Sie in Ihrer ganzen Bedeutung zu erfassen]. Enclosures: interviews and reviews.” Thierfelder’s comment that the Germans are “concerned to perceive your complete meaning” - or “significance” – is quite striking: he seems to be referring to Sibelius’s own interpretation of the contemporary relevance of his music.

letters from raphael to sibelius
My research on Sibelius and Nazism is composed of many strands. Another line of inquiry concerns Sibelius’s relationship with the composer Günther Raphael, the half-Jewish grandson of Sibelius’s former teacher in Berlin. On November 16, 1931, Raphael, a brilliant young composer who had already had his First Symphony performed by Furtwangler in 1926 and was teaching at the famous Leipzig Conservatory, wrote to Sibelius asking for help to organize a tour of the Nordic countries. Sibelius responded enthusiastically: “Dear Mr. Raphael, Your worthy name is well known to me. Also I have seen you conducting on the podium of the Singakademie in Berlin, when a choral work of yours was performed. I was unaware that you were the grandson of my highly revered Prof. Albert Becker under whose supervision I wrote so many fugues. It will be a pleasure for me if I could be in any way helpful to you. Today I spoke with the director of the Radio Orchestra in Helsingfors and the engagement in Helsinki is definite. Please, if possible, immediately write to Dr. Toivo Haapanen with regard to the honorarium etc. Concerning Reval and Riga I do not have personal connections. But you will have my recommendation, revered Mr. Raphael, always.” The trip in April 1932, which included the radio concert and a meeting with Sibelius, was a great success. Sibelius again promised to help Raphael whenever he might require it, especially with music publishers. Well, post-1933, as a half-Jew, Raphael would desperately need that help. On May 18, 1934, Raphael wrote to Sibelius asking him to contribute a few lines of reminiscence to a special issue of the “Allgemeine Musikzeitung” to celebrate on June 13th the 100th birthday of his grandfather Becker. The first indication of trouble was Sibelius’s one-line reply of May 28, 1934: “Young Master Günter Raphael, With the best knowledge [Wissen], it is impossible for me. Your sincere admirer, Jean Sibelius.” The context is this: to save his position at the Leipzig Conservatory, Raphael sought help from Furtwängler, Karl Straube, Hermann Abendroth, Rudolf Mauersberger, Walter Davisson (the Director of the Conservatory), and Carl Goerdeler (the Mayor of Leipzig). To their credit, all of these German luminaries did attempt to intervene on Raphael’s behalf. It was at this time that Raphael also tried to bolster his position by publishing the commemoration of his grandfather’s centennial in the Allgemeine Musikzeitung. A contribution by Sibelius would have lent the Becker commemoration – and by extension, Raphael himself - considerable prestige; however, Sibelius’s curt refusal of May 24, 1934 left Raphael without the hoped-for contribution. On June 6, Raphael wrote again to Sibelius calling attention to the potential importance of his support at this critical juncture (“I regret it all the more, since a few words from you would be of great significance, [and] since the next few days will decide my future”). If – if Sibelius had sent a short note of recognition, it would have carried enormous weight for the following reason: Furtwängler and other important musicians often came to Goebbels begging for protection for favored Jewish musicians; but any sign from Sibelius - as an “outsider” - that he respected and valued Raphael’s work would have been too important for Goebbels to ignore. But Sibelius did not reconsider his decision and remained silent. On August 16, Raphael wrote to Sibelius from Denmark, where he had gone to visit his wife’s family; this time, because there was no censorship, he could be more open. “Highly honored Professor, Whether you received my last letter, that I sent to you about six weeks ago, I do not know. I wrote to you then that I must leave my position as teacher at the Leipzig Conservatory because of the Aryan paragraph. [Raphael discretely does not use “the J-word,” but he meant because he was a half-Jew.] That has in the meantime now happened. In spite of all efforts by German musicians - at the head of them Richard Strauss, Wilhelm Furtwängler, Karl Straube and Sigmund von Hausegger - it was not possible to reverse my termination. The Propaganda Minister Dr. Goebbels decided that my dismissal should stand and in his decision nothing will be changed. How far this decision will affect my compositional activities and my position as a musician in Germany, I do not know. Furtwängler is of the opinion that I can still be performed in Germany. However, my present situation just does not look very bright.” Raphael went on to ask Sibelius whether it might be possible to find some sort of teaching position in Finland, to which, in November, Sibelius responded negatively. By now the wind had been blowing from a very different direction for some time; Sibelius was being wooed by the Third Reich with prizes and promises of new appreciation in Germany with concomitant potentially great financial rewards - and huge sums flowed almost to the very end of the war, not only royalties but a German pension. Given the new circumstances, Raphael had become for Sibelius what in modern parlance is called “a toxic asset;” in spite of repeated pleas for assistance, just a few lines of support or recognition from Sibelius (similar to those given by Sibelius to Thierfelder) would have made all the difference; but Sibelius turned his back on Raphael. Some of my German colleagues believe that Sibelius could have acted to support Raphael in his “hour of need” without jeopardizing his prospects in Nazi Germany, but he chose not to take that chance. In an e-mail to various colleagues involved in this “Sibeliusstreit,” I remarked upon how few characters were directly involved in the Sibelius drama. In 1942, Hermann Gerigk, the leader of Rosenberg’s Music Department, who was proposed to Sibelius as his biographer by his publisher, simultaneously to his discussions with Sibelius attempted to have Raphael “liquidated.” That Raphael survived at all was due both to sheer luck and the Rosenstrasse Protest, which caused Hitler, Goebbels, and Himmler to postpone the “final solution” for “mixtures” and Jews married to “Aryans” (since Raphael’s wife was Danish, he fit into both categories).


There are a number of further lines of inquiry that I explore that show Sibelius was far from passive, “hands off” in his relations with the Third Reich. I mentioned that he was close with Thierfelder, a member of the SS. More virulent SS intellectuals also met, communicated with, and wrote about Sibelius, including one individual, Günther Thaer, who was employed by Rosenberg to advocate for Nazism in Finland and involved with a German translation of the Kalevala for Himmler’s Ahnenerbe; a short monograph on Sibelius based on a long political discussion with the composer in his home was prepared by a SS war reporter Anton Kloss who, in Poland in 1940, had belonged to one of the most notorious units in the SS responsible for crimes against humanity. This unit was singled out for special blame by General Blaskowitz in a futile complaint to Hitler that was later used as evidence in the Nuremberg trials. All of the details will be provided.

hiummler, august 3, with boehme
Was Sibelius a humanitarian, was he against anti-Semitism? His diary, recently published in Swedish, contains remarks that are both anti-Semitic but also condemn anti-Semitism and the Holocaust. Some of comments that are recorded in Sibelius’s diary about Moses Pergament seem to fit into the category of what the Germans would call “Jude, aber anständig”-Antisemitismus [”Jew, but upright” (kind of) anti-Semitism”]. Unfortunately, we must not forget that this brand of anti-Semitism also played an important part in the thinking of the SS, of men like Thierfelder, Thaer, Kloss, Gerigk, etc. Let us consider a passage from Himmler’s infamous recorded speech in Posen, Poland, delivered on October 6, 1943, to a closed meeting of SS officers. “It is one of those things that is easily said. ‘The Jewish people is being exterminated,’ every Party member will tell you, ‘perfectly clear, it’s part of our plans, we’re eliminating the Jews, exterminating them, ha!, a small matter.’ And then along they all come, all the 80 million upright Germans, and each one has his decent Jew. They say: all the others are swine, but here is a first-class Jew.”

Himmler, august 2, at Kiestiki
Professor Erik Tawaststjerna, the author of the definitive five-volume biography of Sibelius, argued that there was “not a scrap of truth to the claim” that Sibelius was a Nazi sympathiser because Nazi doctrines were “completely at odds with Sibelius’s inherent humanism.” However, the widely quoted comments from Sibelius’s diary about his opposition to Nazi racial policies have been presented completely out of context. These cryptic remarks - not unequivocal in their interpretation – require elucidation. When, on March 26, 1943, Sibelius writes about the different “perspectives currently here and in Germany,” he seems to be contrasting Nazi ideology with the Finnish viewpoint. That Sibelius has Nazi racism in mind is clarified by the next entries of August 9 and September 6, where he states that now, in old age, he finds anti-Semitism “unacceptable.” The entry for September 12 is mysterious: what tragedy begins? In this case, the tragedy sounds personal; perhaps this entry is connected with that of September 15, which refers to the “trouble I have caused to Aino, my dear wife…..” The entry of September 13 may well refer to the still-gestating Eighth Symphony (“the Symphony in my mind”). Sibelius complains about hostile reviews; he feels that only “very few in the world” can understand his conception of “the symphonic:” for him, the symphony is not just a remake of old ideas – it is original, the product of “a unique talent.” Possibly the entry of September 20 continues the ruminations concerning the gestation of the Eighth Symphony (“Out of the chaos of thoughts perhaps eventually the essential, the true and the wise will crystallize”). Sibelius articulated a similar idea with regard to the Finale of his Third Symphony, describing it as “the crystallization of ideas from chaos.”
On September 16, Sibelius returns to the issue of Nazi racism. He remarks that he himself is not racially pure (“I am not a man of pure race [reinrassig]. Neither with regard to heritage, temperament, nor in nature”). He is both fearful and disgusted by what geneologists and racial theorists have said about him (“My heritage – God knows what they have made up!”); this may be a reference to Granit Ilmoniemi, who appears in the entry for September 20. Ilmoniemi had authored an article in 1925 in which he tried to prove that Sibelius’s ancestors were Finnish-speaking farmers - much to Sibelius’s annoyance - since he thought that they had been country noblemen. September 17 finds Sibelius in “deep anguish of the soul” over the use of race – something which is beyond individual control (“My inheritance to the children. I am not guilty of this.”) – to determine destiny (“Won’t the world realize the unfairness of this predestination”). The phrase, “What bottomless suffering,” may well refer obliquely to the persecution of the Jews.

On September 18, 1943, we come to the crux of the issue: the connection between these ruminations on Nazi racial policies and financial issues. Apparently, STAGMA has requested that Sibelius fill out some kind of questionnaire (Fragebogen) to move into a higher payment bracket (“As there is no question of me staying as a lower member of Stagma…”). If he wants to get paid, Sibelius is being compelled to apply for a higher status in STAGMA, possibly because of increased revenues generated by the founding of the Deutsche Sibelius Gesellschaft in April 1942. The next sentence suggests that Sibelius plans to withdraw from STAGMA altogether, but this is impossible because he remains cut off from his royalties from Allied countries: “But so far the timing makes it impossible since there is war and my plans cannot be realized.” The following day, Sibelius continues to vent his disgust with the “Aryan paragraph,” which he sees as a way of preserving mediocrity and excluding gifted Jewish composers (like Günter Raphael); he sarcastically ridicules the Nazi regulations, observing that “In certain countries like Germany, the ‘Aryan paragraph’ is necessary to get rid of talents.” On September 20, Sibelius admonishes himself (“How could you, Jean Sibelius, have taken seriously these Aryan paragraphs?”); rather, as an artist he is “a cultural aristocrat” who should be above such “bad social prejudices.” As he observes on September 22, it is “advantageous to benefit from the good sides of different descents,” i.e., to take advantage of diverse racial and social backgrounds.
Sibelius is angry and frustrated with the fact that currently he is not being paid by STAGMA, presumably because he has hesitated to fill out the Fragebogen. This continuing lack of payment would explain the outburst of September 22: “As Stagma pays money to other Finnish composers (like Kajanus [unreadable words]) and leaves me unpaid [unreadable words].” Clearly, if he wants to be paid, Sibelius must address the issue with STAGMA (“The thing with Stagma must be clarified”). The concluding sentences of the September 22 entry are open to quite different interpretations (“Let it be conventional. Leave now finally all sentimentality and defend yourself. Just be for this time a real man!”) Either, Sibelius is admonishing himself not to bow to the request to fill in the Fragebogen and simply demand payment, or he is telling himself to put aside any scruples he may have had and simply complete the Fragebogen as required. (Unfortunately, I find the second reading more compelling in light of the entry from September 30 discussed immediately below.) On the 23rd, Sibelius seems to be profoundly depressed because he does not know what is happening with STAGMA (“In such a deep valley, like never before. I cannot figure this out with Stagma. They may have their reasons.”) Finally, on the 24th, Sibelius notes “Received a letter from Stagma. Happy over that.” Presumably, in this letter from STAGMA, the Germans indicate that they have moved Sibelius to a higher level in the organization, and promise to resume their payment of royalties. The notation from September 30 suggests that Sibelius did indeed capitulate to the request to fill in the Fragebogen. Vaughan Williams dedicated his Fifth Symphony to Sibelius and he listens to it broadcast on Swedish Radio conducted by Sargent. Williams’s music breaks over Sibelius like a “soft touch by the sun” because he hears in it “culture and rich humanity” – qualities he bitterly contrasts with his own “unculture,” i.e., his own moral capitulation in the STAGMA affair, which he nevertheless justifies as being necessary for survival under the circumstances: “My fatherland has a tragic destiny. We have to resort to the rawness and unculture/lack of culture [in German: Endkultur] – or otherwise we will perish.”
After the war, there was a tendency to cover up, hide, and obfuscate the past. Every German had to have their “Persilschein,” and their one saved Jew as an alibi, and then, cleansed by the Spruchkammer and with a clean bill of health, they could resume their professional lives as if nothing had happened. Additionally, we want to think of our great artists as moral people - as humanitarians. This tradition of associating greatness in a given field with virtue extends back to the ancient Greeks. Unfortunately, it often proves not to be the case: the greatest artists have worked for and associated with the most vile of masters. In this regard, Sibelius, like some other great composers and performers of that period, was no different.
Post-war scholars have attempted to distance Sibelius, the most important Finnish composer, from Nazism. In an effort to sanitize him, for the past half-century, for the most part, historians have ignored, suppressed, misrepresented or simply remained ignorant of the primary sources demonstrating Sibelius’s Nazi sympathies and active support for the Nazi regime. The significant “new” evidence showing Sibelius’s close engagement with the Third Reich is “novel” only in the sense that it has – until now – failed to figure prominently, if at all, in Sibelius historiography: the hagiographical picture has been painted over and touched up to conform to post-war mores, and the fallacious belief that great artists - who are also national heroes - must also be decent people. Nor are such issues irrelevant to the interpretation of the music itself. The situation is, of course, special for Sibelius who - fortunately - composed his music before the Nazis assumed power. Nevertheless, it is my contention in my study of “Sibelius and the SS” that there was a convergence of ideologies that allowed for a kind of “interpenetration” between his music and their ideology, the significance of which was never lost on either party.
Tim